The Jugurthine War

Contents — 114 sections

1. Chapter 1
2. Chapter 2
3. Chapter 3
4. Chapter 4
5. Chapter 5
6. Chapter 6
7. Chapter 7
8. Chapter 8
9. Chapter 9
10. Chapter 10
11. Chapter 11
12. Chapter 12
13. Chapter 13
14. Chapter 14
15. Chapter 15
16. Chapter 16
17. Chapter 17
18. Chapter 18
19. Chapter 19
20. Chapter 20
21. Chapter 21
22. Chapter 22
23. Chapter 23
24. Chapter 24
25. Chapter 25
26. Chapter 26
27. Chapter 27
28. Chapter 28
29. Chapter 29
30. Chapter 30
31. Chapter 31
32. Chapter 32
33. Chapter 33
34. Chapter 34
35. Chapter 35
36. Chapter 36
37. Chapter 37
38. Chapter 38
39. Chapter 39
40. Chapter 40
41. Chapter 41
42. Chapter 42
43. Chapter 43
44. Chapter 44
45. Chapter 45
46. Chapter 46
47. Chapter 47
48. Chapter 48
49. Chapter 49
50. Chapter 50
51. Chapter 51
52. Chapter 52
53. Chapter 53
54. Chapter 54
55. Chapter 55
56. Chapter 56
57. Chapter 57
58. Chapter 58
59. Chapter 59
60. Chapter 60
61. Chapter 61
62. Chapter 62
63. Chapter 63
64. Chapter 64
65. Chapter 65
66. Chapter 66
67. Chapter 67
68. Chapter 68
69. Chapter 69
70. Chapter 70
71. Chapter 71
72. Chapter 72
73. Chapter 73
74. Chapter 74
75. Chapter 75
76. Chapter 76
77. Chapter 77
78. Chapter 78
79. Chapter 79
80. Chapter 80
81. Chapter 81
82. Chapter 82
83. Chapter 83
84. Chapter 84
85. Chapter 85
86. Chapter 86
87. Chapter 87
88. Chapter 88
89. Chapter 89
90. Chapter 90
91. Chapter 91
92. Chapter 92
93. Chapter 93
94. Chapter 94
95. Chapter 95
96. Chapter 96
97. Chapter 97
98. Chapter 98
99. Chapter 99
100. Chapter 100
101. Chapter 101
102. Chapter 102
103. Chapter 103
104. Chapter 104
105. Chapter 105
106. Chapter 106
107. Chapter 107
108. Chapter 108
109. Chapter 109
110. Chapter 110
111. Chapter 111
112. Chapter 112
113. Chapter 113
114. Chapter 114

Chapter 1

Mankind unreasonably complain of their nature, that, being weak and short-lived, it is governed by chance rather than intellectual power; for, on the contrary, you will find, upon reflection, that there is nothing more noble or excellent, and that to nature is wanting rather human industry than ability or time.

The ruler and director of the life of man is the mind, which, when it pursues glory in the path of true merit, is sufficiently powerful, efficient, and worthy of honor, and needs no assistance from fortune, who can neither bestow integrity, industry, or other good qualities, nor can take them away. But if the mind, ensnared by corrupt passions, abandons itself to indolence and sensuality, when it has indulged for a season in pernicious gratifications, and when bodily strength, time, and mental vigor, have been wasted in sloth, the infirmity of nature is accused, and those who are themselves in fault impute their delinquency to circumstances.

If man, however, had as much regard for worthy objects, as he has spirit in the pursuit of what is useless, unprofitable, and even perilous, he would not be governed by circumstances more than he would govern them, and would attain to a point of greatness, at which, instead of being mortal, he would be immortalized by glory.

Chapter 2

As man is composed of mind and body, so, of all our concerns and pursuits, some partake the nature of the body, and some that of the mind. Thus beauty of person, eminent wealth, corporeal strength, and all other things of this kind, speedily pass away; but the illustrious achievements of the mind are, like the mind itself, immortal.

Of the advantages of person and fortune, as there is a beginning, there is also an end; they all rise and fall, increase and decay. But the mind, incorruptible and eternal, the ruler of the human race, actuates and has power over all things, yet is itself free from control.

The depravity of those, therefore, is the more surprising, who, devoted to corporeal gratifications, spend their lives in luxury and indolence, but suffer the mind, than which nothing is better or greater in man, to languish in neglect and inactivity; especially when there are so many and various mental employments by which the highest renown may be attained.

Chapter 3

Of these occupation us, however, civil and military offices, and all administration of public affairs, seem to me at the present time, by no means to be desired; for neither is honor conferred on merit, nor are those, who have gained power by unlawful means, the more secure or respected for it. To rule our country or subjects by force, though we may have the ability, and may correct what is wrong, is yet an ungrateful undertaking; especially as all changes in the state lead to bloodshed, exile, and other evils of discord; while to struggle in ineffectual attempts, and to gain nothing, by wearisome exertions, but public hatred, is the extreme of madness; unless when a base and pernicious spirit, perchance, may prompt a man to sacrifice his honor and liberty to the power of a party.

Chapter 4

Among other employments which are pursued by the intellect, the recording of past events is of pre-eminent utility; but of its merits I may, I think, be silent, since many have spoken of them, and since, if I were to praise my own occupation, I might be considered as presumptuously praising myself. I believe, too, that there will be some, who, because I have resolved to live unconnected with political affairs, will apply to my arduous and useful labors the name of idleness; especially those who think it an important pursuit to court the people, and gain popularity by entertainments. But if such persons will consider at what periods I obtained office, what sort of men were then unable to obtain it, and what description of persons have subsequently entered the senate, they will think, assuredly, that I have altered my sentiments rather from prudence than from indolence, and that more good will arise to the state from my retirement, than from the busy efforts of others.

I have often heard that Quintus Maximus, Publius Scipio, and many other illustrious men of our country, were accustomed to observe, that, when they looked on the images of their ancestors, they felt their minds irresistibly excited to the pursuit of honor. Not, certainly, that the wax, or the shape, had any such influence; but, as they called to mind their forefathers' achievements, such a flame was kindled in the breasts of those eminent persons, as could not be extinguished till their own merit had equaled the fame and glory of their ancestors.

But, in the present state of manners, who is there, on the contrary, that does not rather emulate his forefathers in riches and extravagance, than in virtue and labor? Even men of humble birth, who formerly used to surpass the nobility in merit, pursue power and honor rather by intrigue and dishonesty, than by honorable qualifications; as if the prætorship, consulate, and all other offices of the kind, were noble and dignified in themselves, and not to be estimated according to the worth of those who fill them.

But, in expressing my concern and regret at the manners of the state, I have proceeded with too great freedom, and at too great length. I now return to my subject.

Chapter 5

I am about to relate the war which the Roman people carried on with Jugurtha, King of the Numidians; first, because it was great, sanguinary, and of varied fortune; and secondly, because then, for the first time, opposition was offered to the power of the nobility; a contest which threw every thing, religious and civil, into confusion, and was carried to such a height of madness, that nothing but war, and the devastation of Italy, could put an end to civil dissensions. But before I fairly commence my narrative, I will take a review of a few preceding particulars, in order that the whole subject may be more clearly and distinctly understood.

In the second Punic war, in which Hannibal, the leader of the Carthaginians, had weakened the power of Italy more than any other enemy since the Roman name became great, Masinissa, King of the Numidians, being received into alliance by Publius Scipio, who, from his merits was afterward surnamed Africanus, had performed for us many eminent exploits in the field. In return for which services, after the Carthaginians were subdued, and after Syphax, whose power in Italy was great and extensive, was taken prisoner, the Roman people presented to Masinissa, as a free gift, all the cities and lands that they had captured. Masinissa's friendship for us, accordingly, remained faithful and inviolate; his reign and his life ended together. His son, Micipsa, alone succeeded to his kingdom; Mastanabal and Gulussa, his two brothers, having been carried off by disease. Micipsa had two sons, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and had brought up in his house, with the same care as his own children, a son of his brother Mastanabal, named Jugurtha, whom Masinissa, as being the son of a concubine, had left in a private station.

Chapter 6

Jugurtha, as he grew up, being strong in frame, graceful in person, but, above all, vigorous in understanding, did not allow himself to be enervated by pleasure and indolence, but, as is the usage of his country, exercised himself in riding, throwing the javelin, and contending in the race with his equals in age; and, though he excelled them all in reputation, he was yet beloved by all. He also passed much of his time in hunting; he was first, or among the first, to wound the lion and other beasts; he performed very much, but spoke very little of himself.

Micipsa, though he was at first gratified with these circumstances, considering that the merit of Jugurtha would be an honor to his kingdom, yet, when he reflected that the youth was daily increasing in popularity, while he himself was advanced in age, and his children but young, he was extremely disturbed at the state of things, and revolved it frequently in his mind. The very nature of man, ambitious of power, and eager to gratify its desires, gave him reason for apprehension, as well as the opportunity afforded by his own age and that of his children, which was sufficient, from the prospect of such a prize, to lead astray even men of moderate desires. The affection of the Numidians, too, which was strong toward Jugurtha, was another cause for alarm; among whom, if he should cut off such a man, he feared that some insurrection or war might arise.

Chapter 7

Surrounded by such difficulties, and seeing that a man, so popular among his countrymen, was not to be destroyed either by force or by fraud, he resolved, as Jugurtha was of an active disposition, and eager for military reputation, to expose him to dangers in the field, and thus make trial of fortune. During the Numantine war, therefore, when he was sending supplies of horse and foot to the Romans, he gave him the command of the Numidians, whom he dispatched into Spain, hoping that he would certainly perish, either by an ostentatious display of his bravery, or by the merciless hand of the enemy. But this project had a very different result from that which he had expected. For when Jugurtha, who was of an active and penetrating intellect, had learned the disposition of Publius Scipio, the Roman general, and the character of the enemy, he quickly rose, by great exertion and vigilance, by modestly submitting to orders, and frequently exposing himself to dangers, to such a degree of reputation, that he was greatly beloved by our men, and extremely dreaded by the Numantines. He was indeed, what is peculiarly difficult, both brave in action, and wise in counsel; qualities, of which the one, from forethought, generally produces fear, and the other, from confidence, rashness. The general, accordingly, managed almost every difficult matter by the aid of Jugurtha, numbered him among his friends, and grew daily more and more attached to him, as a man whose advice and whose efforts were never useless. With such merits were joined generosity of disposition, and readiness of wit, by which he united to himself many of the Romans in intimate friendship.

Chapter 8

There were at that time, in our army, a number of officers, some of low, and some of high birth, to whom wealth was more attractive than virtue or honor; men who were attached to certain parties, and of consequence in their own country; but, among the allies, rather distinguished than respected. These persons inflamed the mind of Jugurtha, of itself sufficiently aspiring, by assuring him, "that if Micipsa should die, he might have the kingdom of Numidia to himself; for that he was possessed of eminent merit, and that any thing might be purchased at Rome."

When Numantia, however, was destroyed, and Scipio had determined to dismiss the auxiliary troops, and to return to Rome, he led Jugurtha, after having honored him, in a public assembly, with the noblest presents and applauses, into his own tent; where he privately admonished him "to court the friendship of the Romans rather by attention to them as a body, than by practicing on individuals; to bribe no one, as what belonged to many could not without danger be bought from a few; and adding that, if he would but trust to his own merits, glory and regal power would spontaneously fall to his lot; but, should he proceed too rashly, he would only, by the influence of his money, hasten his own ruin."

Chapter 9

Having thus spoken, he took leave of him, giving him a letter, which he was to present to Micipsa, and of which the following was the purport: "The merit of your nephew Jugurtha, in the war against Numantia, has been eminently distinguished; a fact which I am sure will afford you pleasure. He is dear to us for his services, and we shall strive, with our utmost efforts, to make him equally dear to the senate and people of Rome. As a friend, I sincerely congratulate you; you have a kinsman worthy of yourself, and of his grandfather Masinissa."

Micipsa, when he found, from the letter of the general, that what he had already heard reported was true, being moved, both by the merit of the youth and by the interest felt for him by Scipio, altered his purpose, and endeavored to win Jugurtha by kindness. He accordingly, in a short time, adopted him as his son, and made him, by his will, joint-heir with his own children.

A few years afterward, when, being debilitated by age and disease, he perceived that the end of his life was at hand, he is said, in the presence of his friends and relations, and of Adherbal and Hiempsal his sons, to have spoken with Jugurtha in the following manner:

Chapter 10

"I received you, Jugurtha, at a very early age, into my kingdom, at a time when you had lost your father, and were without prospects or resources, expecting that, in return for my kindness, I should not be less loved by you than by my own children, if I should have any. Nor have my anticipations deceived me; for, to say nothing of your other great and noble deeds, you have lately, on your return from Numantia, brought honor and glory both to me and my kingdom; by your bravery, you have rendered the Romans, from being previously our friends, more friendly to us than ever; the name of our family is revived in Spain; and, finally, what is most difficult among mankind, you have suppressed envy by preeminent merit.

"And now, since nature is putting a period to my life, I exhort and conjure you, by this right hand, and by the fidelity which you owe to my kingdom, to regard these princes, who are your cousins by birth, and your brothers by my generosity, with sincere affection; and not to be more anxious to attach to yourself strangers, than to retain the love of those connected with you by blood. It is not armies, or treasures, that form the defenses of a kingdom, but friends, whom you can neither command by force nor purchase with gold; for they are acquired only by good offices and integrity. And who can be a greater friend than one brother to another? Or what stranger will you find faithful, if you are at enmity with your own family? I leave you a kingdom, which will be strong if you act honorably, but weak, if you are ill-affected to each other; for by concord even small states are increased, but by discord, even the greatest fall to nothing.

"But on you, Jugurtha, who are superior in age and wisdom, it is incumbent, more than on your brothers, to be cautions that nothing of a contrary tendency may arise; for, in all disputes, he that is the stronger, even though he receive the injury, appears, because his power is greater, to have inflicted it. And do you, Adherbal and Hiempsal, respect and regard a kinsman of such a character; imitate his virtues, and make it your endeavor to show that I have not adopted a better son than those whom I have begotten."

Chapter 11

To this address, Jugurtha, though he knew that the king had spoken insincerely, and though he was himself revolving thoughts of a far different nature, yet replied with good feeling, suitable to the occasion. A few days afterward Micipsa died.

When the princes had performed his funeral with due magnificence, they met together to hold a discussion on the general condition of their affairs. Hiempsal, the youngest, who was naturally violent, and who had previously shown contempt for the mean birth of Jugurtha, as being inferior on his mother's side, sat down on the right hand of Adherbal, in order to prevent Jugurtha from being the middle one of the three, which is regarded by the Numidians as the seat of honor. Being urged by his brother, however, to yield to superior age, he at length removed, but with reluctance, to the other seat.

In the course of this conference, after a long debate about the administration of the kingdom, Jugurtha suggested, among other measures, "that all the acts and decrees made in the last five years should be annulled, as Micipsa, during that period, had been enfeebled by age, and scarcely sound in intellect." Hiempsal replied, "that he was exceedingly pleased with the proposal, since Jugurtha himself, within the last three years, had been adopted as joint-heir to the throne." This repartee sunk deeper into the mind of Jugurtha than any one imagined. From that very time, accordingly, being agitated with resentment and jealousy, he began to meditate and concert schemes, and to think of nothing but projects for secretly cutting off Hiempsal. But his plans proving slow in operation, and his angry feelings remaining unabated, he resolved to execute his purpose by any means whatsoever.

Chapter 12

At the first meeting of the princes, of which I have just spoken, it had been resolved, in consequence of their disagreement, that the treasures should be divided among them, and that limits should be set to the jurisdiction of each. Days were accordingly appointed for both these purposes, but the earlier of the two for the division of the money. The princes, in the mean time, retired into separate places of abode in the neighborhood of the treasury. Hiempsal, residing in the town of Thirmida, happened to occupy the house of a man, who, being Jugurtha's chief lictor, had always been liked and favored by his master. This man, thus opportunely presented as an instrument, Jugurtha loaded with promises, and induced him to go to his house, as if for the purpose of looking over it, and provide himself with false keys to the gates; for the true ones used to be given to Hiempsal; adding, that he himself, when circumstances should call for his presence, would be at the place with a large body of men. This commission the Numidian speedily executed, and, according to his instructions, admitted Jugurtha's men in the night, who, as soon as they had entered the house, went different ways in quest of the prince; some of his attendants they killed while asleep, and others as they met them; they searched into secret places, broke open those that were shut, and filled the whole premises with uproar and tumult. Hiempsal, after a time, was found concealed in the hut of a maid-servant, where, in his alarm and ignorance of the locality, he had at first taken refuge. The Numidians, as they had been ordered, brought his head to Jugurtha.

Chapter 13

The report of so atrocious an outrage was soon spread through Africa. Fear seized on Adherbal, and on all who had been subject to Micipsa. The Numidians divided into two parties, the greater number following Adherbal, but the more warlike, Jugurtha; who, accordingly, armed as large a force as he could, brought several cities, partly by force and partly by their own consent, under his power, and prepared to make himself sovereign of the whole of Numidia. Adherbal, though he had sent embassadors to Rome, to inform the senate of his brother's murder and his own circumstances, yet, relying on the number of his troops, prepared for an armed resistance. When the matter, however, came to a contest, he was defeated, and fled from the field of battle into our province, and from thence hastened to Rome.

Jugurtha, having thus accomplished his purposes, and reflecting, at leisure, on the crime which he had committed, began to feel a dread of the Roman people, against whose resentment he had no hopes of security but in the avarice of the nobility, and in his own wealth. A few days afterward, therefore, he dispatched embassadors to Rome, with a profusion of gold and silver, whom he directed, in the first place, to make abundance of presents to his old friends, and then to procure him new ones; and not to hesitate, in short, to effect whatever could be done by bribery.

When these deputies had arrived at Rome, and had sent large presents, according to the prince's direction, to his intimate friends, and to others whose influence was at that time powerful, so remarkable a change ensued, that Jugurtha, from being an object of the greatest odium, grew into great regard and favor with the nobility; who, partly allured with hope, and partly with actual largesses, endeavored, by soliciting the members of the senate individually, to prevent any severe measures from being adopted against him. When the embassadors, accordingly, felt sure of success, the senate, on a fixed day, gave audience to both parties. On that occasion, Adherbal, as I have understood, spoke to the following effect:

Chapter 14

"My father Micipsa, Conscript Fathers, enjoined me, on his death-bed, to look upon the kingdom of Numidia as mine only by deputation; to consider the right and authority as belonging to you; to endeavor, at home and in the field, to be as serviceable to the Roman people as possible; and to regard you as my kindred and relatives: saying that, if I observed these injunctions, I should find, in your friendship, armies, riches, and all necessary defenses of my realm. By these precepts I was proceeding to regulate my conduct, when Jugurtha, the most abandoned of all men whom the earth contains, setting at naught your authority, expelled me, the grandson of Masinissa, and the hereditary ally and friend of the Roman people, from my kingdom and all my possessions.

"Since I was thus to be reduced to such an extremity of wretchedness, I could wish that I were able to implore your aid, Conscript Fathers, rather for the sake of my own services than those of my ancestors; I could wish, indeed, above all, that acts of kindness were due to me from the Romans, of which I should not stand in need; and, next to this, that, if I required your services, I might receive them as my due. But as integrity is no defense in itself, and as I had no power to form the character of Jugurtha, I have fled to you, Conscript Fathers, to whom, what is the most grievous of all things, I am compelled to become a burden before I have been an assistance.

"Other princes have been received into your friendship after having been conquered in war, or have solicited an alliance with you in circumstances of distress; but our family commenced its league with the Romans in the war with Carthage, at a time when their faith was a greater object of attraction than their fortune. Suffer not, then, O Conscript Fathers, a descendent of that family to implore aid from you in vain. If I had no other plea for obtaining your assistance but my wretched fortune; nothing to urge, but that, having been recently a king, powerful by birth, by character, and by resources, I am now dishonored, afflicted, destitute, and dependent on the aid of others, it would yet become the dignity of Rome to protect me from injury, and to allow no man's dominions to be increased by crime. But I am driven from those very territories which the Roman people gave to my ancestors, and from which my father and grandfather, in conjunction with yourselves, expelled Syphax and the Carthaginians. It is what you bestowed that has been wrested from me; in my wrongs you are insulted.

" Unhappy man that I am! Has your kindness, O my father Micipsa, come to this, that he whom you made equal with your children, and a sharer of your kingdom, should become, above all others, the destroyers of your race? Shall our family, then, never be at peace? Shall we always be harassed with war, bloodshed, and exile? While the Carthaginians continued in power, we were necessarily exposed to all manner of troubles; for the enemy were on our frontiers; you, our friends, were at a distance; and all our dependence was on our arms. But after that pest was extirpated, we were happy in the enjoyment of tranquillity, as having no enemies but such as you should happen to appoint us. But lo! on a sudden, Jugurtha, stalking forth with intolerable audacity, wickedness, and arrogance, and having put to death my brother, his own cousin, made his territory, in the first place, the prize of his guilt; and next, being unable to ensnare me with similar stratagems, he rendered me, when under your rule I expected any thing rather than violence or war, an exile, as you see, from my country and my home, the prey of poverty and misery, and safer any where than in my own kingdom.

"I was always of opinion, Conscript Fathers, as I had often heard my father observe, that those who cultivated your friendship might indeed have an arduous service to perform, but would be of all people the most secure. What our family could do for you, it has done; it has supported you in all your wars; and it is for you to provide for our safety in time of peace. Our father left two of us, brothers; a third, Jugurtha, he thought would be attached to us by the benefits conferred upon him; but one of us has been murdered, and I, the other, have scarcely escaped the hand of lawlessness. What course can I now take? Unhappy that I am, to what place, rather than another, shall I betake myself? All the props of our family are extinct; my father, of necessity, has paid the debt of nature; a kinsman, whom least of all men it became, has wickedly taken the life of my brother; and as for my other relatives, and friends, and connections, various forms of destruction have overtaken them. Seized by Jugurtha, some have been crucified, and some thrown to wild beasts, while a few, whose lives have been spared, are shut up in the darkness of the dungeon, and drag on, amid suffering and sorrow, an existence more grievous than death itself.

"If all that I have lost, or all that, from being friendly, has become hostile to me, remained unchanged, yet, in case of any sudden calamity, it is of you that I should still have to implore assistance, to whom, from the greatness of your empire, justice and injustice in general should be objects of regard. And at the present time, when I am exiled from my country and my home, when I am left alone, and destitute of all that is suitable to my dignity, to whom can I go, or to whom shall I appeal, but to you? Shall I go to nations and kings, who, from our friendship with Rome, are all hostile to my family? Could I go, indeed, to any place where there are not abundance of hostile monuments of my ancestors? Will any one, who has ever been at enmity with you, take pity upon me?

"Masinissa, moreover, instructed us, Conscript Fathers, to cultivate no friendship but that of Rome, to adopt no new leagues or alliances, as we should find, in your good-will, abundance of efficient support; while, if the fortune of your empire should change, we must sink together with it. But, by your own merits, and the favor of the gods, you are great and powerful; the whole world regards you with favor and yields to your power; and you are the better able, in consequence, to attend to the grievances of your allies. My only fear is, that private friendship for Jugurtha, too little understood, may lead any of you astray; for his partisans, I hear, are doing their utmost in his behalf, soliciting and importuning you individually, to pass no decision against one who is absent, and whose cause is yet untried; and saying that I state what is false, and only pretend to be an exile, when I might, if I pleased, have remained still in my kingdom. But would that I could see him, by whose unnatural crime I am thus reduced to misery, pretending as I now pretend; and would that, either with you or with the immortal gods, there may at length arise some regard for human interests; for then assuredly will he, who is now audacious and triumphant in guilt, be tortured by every kind of suffering, and pay a heavy penalty for his ingratitude to my father, for the murder of my brother, and for the distress which he has brought upon myself.

"And now, O my brother, dearest object of my affection, though thy life has been prematurely taken from thee, and by a hand that should have been the last to touch it, yet I think thy fate a subject for rejoicing rather than lamentation, for, in losing life, thou hast not been cut off from a throne, but from flight, expatriation, poverty, and all those afflictions which now press upon me. But I, unfortunate that I am, cast from the throne of my father into the depths of calamity, afford an example of human vicissitudes, undecided what course to adopt, whether to avenge thy wrongs, while I myself stand in need of assistance, or to attempt the recovery of my kingdom, while my life or death depends on the aid of others.

"Would that death could be thought an honorable termination to my misfortunes, that I might not seem to live an object of contempt, if, sinking under my afflictions, I tamely submit to injustice. But now I can neither live with pleasure, nor can die without disgrace. I implore you, therefore, Conscript Fathers, by your regard for yourselves, for your children, and for your parents, and by the majesty of the Roman people, to grant me succor in my distress, to arrest the progress of injustice, and not to suffer the kingdom of Numidia, which is your own property, to sink into ruin through villainy and the slaughter of our family."

Chapter 15

When the prince had concluded his speech, the embassadors of Jugurtha, depending more on their money than their cause, replied, in a few words, " that Hiempsal had been put to death by the Numidians for his cruelty; that Adherbal, commencing war of his own accord, complained, after he was defeated, of being unable to do injury; and that Jugurtha entreated the senate not to consider him a different person from what he had been known to be at Numantia, nor to set the assertions of his enemy above his own conduct."

Both parties then withdrew from the senate-house, and the senate immediately proceeded to deliberate. The partisans of the embassadors, with a great many others, corrupted by their influence, expressed contempt for the statements of Adherbal, extolled with the highest encomiums the merits of Jugurtha, and exerted themselves as strenuously, with their interest and eloquence, in defense of the guilt and infamy of another, as they would have striven for their own honor. A few, however, on the other hand, to whom right and justice were of more estimation than wealth, gave their opinion that Adherbal should be assisted, and the murder of Hiempsal severely avenged. Of all these the most forward was Æmilius Scaurus, a man of noble birth and great energy, but factious, and ambitious of power, honor, and wealth; yet an artful concealer of his own vices. He, seeing that the bribery of Jugurtha was notorious and shameless, and fearing that, as in such cases often happens, its scandalous profusion might excite public odium, restrained himself from the indulgence of his ruling passion.

Chapter 16

Yet that party gained the superiority in the senate, which preferred money and interest to justice. A decree was made, "that ten commissioners should divide the kingdom, which Micipsa had possessed, between Jugurtha and Adherbal." Of this commission the leading person was Lucius Opimius, a man of distinction, and of great influence at that time in the senate, from having in his consulship, on the death of Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus, prosecuted the victory of the nobility over the plebeians with great severity.

Jugurtha, though he had already counted Scaurus among his friends at Rome, yet received him with the most studied ceremony, and, by presents and promises, wrought on him so effectually, that he preferred the prince's interest to his own character, honor, and all other considerations. The rest of the commissioners he assailed in a similar way, and gained over most of them; by a few only integrity was more regarded than lucre. In the division of the kingdom, that part of Numidia which borders on Mauretania, and which is superior in fertility and population, was allotted to Jugurtha; of the other part, which, though better furnished with harbors and buildings, was more valuable in appearance than in reality, Adherbal became the possessor.

Chapter 17

My subject seems to require of me, in this place, a brief account of the situation of Africa, and of those nations in it with whom we have had war or alliances. But of those tracts and countries, which, from their heat, or difficulty of access, or extent of desert, have been but little visited, I can not possibly give any exact description. Of the rest I shall speak with all possible brevity.

In the division of the earth, most writers consider Africa as a third part; a few admit only two divisions, Asia and Europe, and include Africa in Europe. It is bounded, on the west, by the strait connecting our sea with the ocean; on the east, by a vast sloping tract, which the natives call the Catabathmos." The sea is boisterous, and deficient in harbors; the soil is fertile in corn, and good for pasturage, but unproductive of trees. There is a scarcity of water both from rain and from land-springs. The natives are healthy, swift of foot, and able to endure fatigue. Most of them die by the gradual decay of age, except such as perish by the sword or beasts of prey; for disease finds but few victims. Animals of a venomous nature they have in great numbers.

Concerning the original inhabitants of Africa, the settlers that afterward joined them, and the manner in which they intermingled, I shall offer the following brief account, which, though it differs from the general opinion, is that which was interpreted to me from the Punic volumes said to have belonged to King Hiempsal, and which the inhabitants of that country believe to be consistent with fact. For the truth of the statement, however, the writers themselves must be responsible.

Chapter 18

Africa, then, was originally occupied by the Getulians and Libyans, rude and uncivilized tribes, who subsisted on the flesh of wild animals, or, like cattle, on the herbage of the soil. They were controlled neither by customs, laws, nor the authority of any ruler; they wandered about, without fixed habitations, and slept in the abodes to which night drove them. But after Hercules, as the Africans think, perished in Spain, his army, which was composed of various nations, having lost its leader, and many candidates severally claiming the command of it, was speedily dispersed. Of its constituent troops, the Medes, Persians, and Armenians, having sailed over into Africa, occupied the parts nearest to our sea. The Persians, however, settled more toward the ocean, and used the inverted keels of their vessels for huts, there being no wood in the country, and no opportunity of obtaining it, either by purchase or barter, from the Spaniards; for a wide sea, and an unknown tongue, were barriers to all intercourse. These, by degrees, formed intermarriages with the Getulians; and because, from constantly trying different soils, they were perpetually shifting their abodes, they called themselves NUMIDIANS. And to this day the huts of the Numidian boors, which they call mapalia, are of an oblong shape, with curved roofs; resembling the hulls of ships.

The Medes and Armenians connected themselves with the Libyans, who dwelled near the African sea; while the Getulians lay more to the sun," not far from the torrid heats; and these soon built themselves towns, as, being separated from Spain only by a strait, they proceeded to open an intercourse with its inhabitants. The name of Medes the Libyans gradually corrupted, changing it, in their barbarous tongue, into Moors.

Of the Persians the power rapidly increased; and at length, the children, through excess of population, separating from the parents, they took possession, under the name of Numidians, of those regions bordering on Carthage which are now called Numidia. In process of time, the two parties, each assisting the other, reduced the neighboring tribes, by force or fear, under their sway; but those who had spread toward our sea, made the greater conquests: for the Lybians are less warlike than the Getulians. At last nearly all lower Africa/un> was occupied by the Numidians; and all the conquered tribes were merged in the nation and name of their conquerors.

Chapter 19

At a later period, the Phœnicians, some of whom wished to lessen their numbers at home, and others, ambitious of empire, engaged the populace, and such as were eager for change, to follow them, founded Hippo, Adrumetum, Leptis, and other cities, on the sea-coast; which, soon growing powerful, became partly a support, and partly an honor, to their parent state. Of Carthage I think it better to be silent, than to say but little; especially as time bids me hasten to other matters.

Next to the Catabathmos, then, which divides Egypt from Africa, the first city along the sea-coast is Cyrene, a colony of Theræans; after which are the two Syrtes, with Leptis between them; then the Altars of the Philæni, which the Carthaginians considered the boundary of their dominion on the side of Egypt; beyond these are the other Punic towns. The other regions, as far as Mauretania, the Numidians occupy; the Moors are nearest to Spain. To the south of Numidia, as we are informed, are the Getulians, of whom some live in huts, and others lead a vagrant and less civilized life; beyond these are the Ethiopians; and further on, regions parched by the heat of the sun.

At the time of the Jugurthine war, most of the Punic towns, and the territories which Carthage had lately possessed, were under the government of Roman prætors; a great part of the Getulians, and Numidia as far as the river Mulucha, were subject to Jugurtha; while the whole of the Moors were governed by Bocchus, a king who knew nothing of the Romans but their name, and who, before this period, was as little known to us, either in war or peace. Of Africa and its inhabitants I have now said all that my narrative requires.

Chapter 20

When the commissioners, after dividing the kingdom, had left Africa, and Jugurtha saw that, contrary to his apprehensions, he had obtained the object of his crimes; he then being convinced of the truth of what he had heard from his friends at Numantia, "that all things were purchasable at Rome," and being also encouraged by the promises of those whom he had recently loaded with presents, directed his views to the domain of Adherbal. He was himself bold and warlike, while the other, at whose destruction he aimed, was quiet, unfit for arms, of a mild temper, a fit subject for injustice, and a prey to fear rather than an object of it. Jugurtha, accordingly, with a powerful force, made a sudden irruption into his dominions, took several prisoners, with cattle and other booty, set fire to the buildings, and made hostile demonstrations against several places with his cavalry. He then retreated, with all his followers, into his own kingdom, expecting that Adherbal, roused by such provocation, would avenge his wrongs by force, and thus furnish a pretext for war. But Adherbal, thinking himself unable to meet Jugurtha in the field, and relying on the friendship of the Romans more than on the Numidians, merely sent embassadors to Jugurtha to complain of the outrage; and, although they brought back but an insolent reply, yet he resolved to endure any thing rather than have recourse to war, which, when he attempted it before, had ended in his defeat. By such conduct the eagerness of Jugurtha was not at all allayed; for he had now, indeed, in imagination, possessed himself of all Adherbal's dominions. He therefore renewed hostilities, not, as before, with a predatory band, but at the head of a large army which he had collected, and openly aspired to the sovereignty of all Numidia. Wherever he marched, he ravaged the towns and the fields, drove off booty, and raised confidence in his own men and dismay among the enemy.

Chapter 21

Adherbal, when he found that matters had arrived at such a point, that he must either abandon his dominions, or defend them by force of arms, collected an army from necessity, and advanced to meet Jugurtha. Both armies took up their position near the town of Cirta, at no great distance from the sea; but, as evening was approaching, encamped without coming to an engagement. But when the night was far advanced, and twilight was beginning to appear, the troops of Jugurtha, at a given signal, rushed into the camp of the enemy, whom they routed and put to flight, some half asleep and others resuming their arms. Adherbal, with a few of his cavalry, fled to Cirta; and, had there not been a number of Romans in the town, who repulsed his Numidian pursuers from the walls, the war between the two princes would have been begun and ended on the same day.

Jugurtha proceeded to invest the town, and attempted to storm it with the aid of mantelets, towers, and every kind of machines; being anxious above all things, to take it before the embassadors could arrive at Rome, who, he was informed, had been dispatched thither by Adherbal before the battle was fought. But as soon as the senate heard of their contention, three young men were sent as deputies into Africa, with directions to go to both of the princes, and to announce to them, in the words of the senate and people of Rome, " that it was their will and resolution that they should lay down their arms, and settle their disputes rather by arbitration than by the sword; since to act thus would be to the honor both of the Romans and themselves."

Chapter 22

These deputies soon arrived in Africa, using the greater dispatch, because, while they were preparing for their journey, a report was spread at Rome of the- battle which had been fought, and of the siege of Cirta; but this report told much less than the truth. Jugurtha, having given them an audience, replied, "that nothing was of greater weight with him, nothing more respected, than the authority of the senate; that it had been his endeavor, from his youth, to deserve the esteem of all men of worth; that he had gained the favor of Publius Scipio, a man of the highest eminence, not by dishonorable practices, but by merit; that, for the same good qualities, and not from want of heirs to the throne, he had been adopted by Micipsa; but that, the more honorable and spirited his conduct had been, the less could his feelings endure injustice; that Adherbal had formed designs against his life, on discovering which, he had counteracted his malice; that the Romans would act neither justly nor reasonably, if they withheld from him the common right of nations; and, in conclusion, that he would soon send embassadors to Rome to explain the whole of his proceedings." On this understanding, both parties separated. Of addressing Adherbal the deputies had no opportunity.

Chapter 23

Jugurtha, as soon as he thought that they had quitted Africa, surrounded the walls of Cirta, which, from the nature of its situation, he was unable to take by assault, with a rampart and a trench; he also erected towers, and manned them with soldiers; he made attempts on the place, by force or by stratagem, day and night; he held out bribes, and some times menaces, to the besieged; he roused his men, by exhortations, to efforts of valor, and resorted, with the utmost perseverance, to every possible expedient.

Adherbal, on the other hand, seeing that his affairs were in a desperate condition, that his enemy was determined on his ruin, that there was no hope of succor, and that the siege, from want of provisions, could not long be protracted, selected from among those who had fled with him to Cirta, two of his most resolute supporters, whom he induced, by numerous promises, and an affecting representation of his distress, to make their way in the night, through the enemy's lines, to the nearest point of the coast, and from thence to Rome.

Chapter 24

The Numidians, in a few days executed their commission; and a letter from Adherbal was read in the senate, of which the following was the purport:

"It is not through my own fault, Conscript Fathers, that I so often send requests to you; but the violence of Jugurtha compels me; whom so strong a desire for my destruction has seized, that he pays no regard either to you or to the immortal gods; my blood he covets beyond every thing. Five months, in consequence, have I, the ally and friend of the Roman people, been besieged with an armed force; neither the remembrance of my father Micipsa's benefits, nor your decrees, are of any avail for my relief; and whether I am more closely pressed by the sword, or by famine, I am unable to say.

"From writing further concerning Jugurtha, my present condition deters me; for I have experienced, even before, that little credit is given to the unfortunate. Yet I can perceive that his views extend further than to myself, and that he does not expect to possess, at the same time, your friendship and my kingdom; which of the two he thinks the more desirable, must be manifest to every one. For, in the first place, he murdered my brother Hiempsal; and, in the next, expelled me from my dominions; which, however, may be regarded as our own wrongs, and as having no reference to you. But now he occupies your kingdom with an army; he keeps me, whom you appointed a king over the Numidians, in a state of blockade; and in what estimation he holds the words of your embassadors, my perils may serve to show. What then is left, except your arms, that can make an impression upon him ?

"I could wish, indeed, that what I now write, as well as the complaints which I lately made before the senate, were false, rather than that my present distresses should confirm the truth of my statements. But since I am born to be an example of Jugurtha's villainy, I do not now beg a release from death or distress, but only from the tyranny of an enemy, and from bodily torture. Respecting the kingdom of Numidia, which is your own property, determine as you please, but if the memory of my grandfather Masinissa is still cherished by you, deliver me, I entreat you, by the majesty of your empire, and by the sacred ties of friendship, from the inhuman hands of Jugurtha."

Chapter 25

When this letter was read, there were some who thought that an army should be dispatched into Africa, and relief afforded to Adherbal, as soon as possible; and that the senate, in the mean time, should give judgment on the conduct of Jugurtha, in not having obeyed the embassadors. But by the partisans of Jugurtha, the same that had before supported his cause, effectual exertions were made to prevent any decree from being passed; and thus the public interest, as is too frequently the case, was defeated by private influence.

An embassy was, however, dispatched into Africa, consisting of men of advanced years, and of noble birth, and who had filled the highest offices of the state; among whom was Marcus Scaurus, already mentioned, a man who had held the consulship, and who was at that time chief of the senate. These embassadors, as their business was an affair of public odium, and as they were urged by the entreaties of the Numidians, embarked in three days; and having soon arrived at Utica, sent a letter from thence to Jugurtha, desiring him " to come to the province as quickly as possible, as they were deputed by the senate to meet him."

Jugurtha, when he found that men of eminence, whose influence at Rome he knew to be powerful, were come to put a stop to his proceedings, was at first perplexed, and distracted between fear and cupidity. He dreaded the displeasure of the senate, if he should disobey the embassadors; while his eager spirit, blinded by the lust of power, hurried him on to complete the injustice which he had begun. At length the evil incitements of ambition prevailed. He accordingly drew his army round the city of Cirta, and endeavored, with his utmost efforts, to force an entrance; having the strongest hopes, that, by dividing the attention of the enemy's troops, he should be able, by force or artifice, to secure an opportunity of success. When his attempts, however, were unavailing, and he found himself unable, as he had designed, to get Adherbal into his power before he met the embassadors, fearing that, by further delay, he might irritate Scaurus, of whom he stood in great dread, he proceeded with a small body of cavalry into the Province. Yet, though serious menaces were repeated to him in the name of the senate, because he had not desisted from the siege, nevertheless, after spending a long time in conference, the embassadors departed without making any impression upon him.

Chapter 26

When news of this result was brought to Cirta, the Italians, by whose exertions the city had been defended, and who trusted that, if a surrender were made, they would be able, from respect to the greatness of the Roman power, to escape without personal injury, advised Adherbal to deliver himself and t:he city to Jugurtha, stipulating only that his life should be spared, and leaving all other matters to the care of the senate. Adherbal, though he thought nothing less trustworthy than the honor of Jugurtha, yet, knowing that those who advised could also compel him if he resisted, surrendered the place according to their desire. Jugurtha immediately proceeded to put Adherbal to death with torture, and massacred all the inhabitants that were of age, whether Numidians or Italians, as each fell in the way of his troops.

Chapter 27

When this outrage was reported at Rome, and became a matter of discussion in the senate, the former partisans of Jugurtha applied themselves, by interrupting the debates and protracting the time, sometimes exerting their interest, and sometimes quarreling with particular members, to palliate the atrocity of the deed. And had not Caius Memmius, one of the tribunes of the people elect, a man of energy, and hostile to the power of the nobility, convinced the people of Rome that an attempt was being made, by the agency of a small faction, to have the crimes of Jugurtha pardoned, it is certain that the public indignation against him would have passed off under the protraction of the debates; so powerful was party interest, and the influence of Jugurtha's money. When the senate, however, from consciousness of misconduct, became afraid of the people, Numidia and Italy, by the Sempronian law, were appointed as provinces to the succeeding consuls, who were declared to be Publius Scipio Nasica, and Lucius Bestia Calpurnius. Numidia fell to Calpurnius, and Italy to Scipio. An army was then raised to be sent into Africa; and pay, and all other necessaries of war, were decreed for its use.

Chapter 28

When Jugurtha received this news, which was utterly at variance with his expectations, as he had felt convinced that all things were purchasable at Rome, he sent his son, with two of his friends, as deputies to the senate, and directed them, like those whom he had sent on the murder of Hiempsal, to attack every body with bribes. Upon the approach of these deputies to Rome, the senate was consulted by Bestia, whether they would allow them to be admitted within the gates; and the senate decreed, " that, unless they came to surrender Jugurtha's kingdom and himself, they must quit Italy within the ten following days." The consul directed this decree to be communicated to the Numidians, who consequently returned home without effecting their object.

Calpurnius, in the mean time, having raised an army, chose for his officers men of family and intrigue, hoping that whatever faults he might commit, would be screened by their influence; and among these was Scaurus, of whose disposition and character we have already spoken. There were, indeed, in our consul Calpurnius, many excellent qualities, both mental and personal, though avarice interfered with the exercise of them; he was patient of labor, of a penetrating intellect, of great foresight, not inexperienced in war, and extremely vigilant against danger and surprise.

The troops were conducted through Italy to Rhegium, from thence to Sicily, and from Sicily into Africa; and Calpurnius's first step, after collecting provisions, was to invade Numidia with spirit, where he took many prisoners, and several towns, by force of arms.

Chapter 29

But when Jugurtha began, through his emissaries, to tempt him with bribes, and to show the difficulties of the war which he had undertaken to conduct, his mind, corrupted with avarice, was easily altered. His accomplice, however, and manager in all his schemes, was Scaurus; who, though he had at first, when most of his party were corrupted, displayed violent hostility to Jugurtha, yet was afterward seduced, by a vast sum of money, from integrity and honor to injustice and perfidy-Jugurtha, however, at first sought only to purchase a suspension of hostilities, expecting to be able, during the interval, to make some favorable impression, either by bribery or by interest, at Rome; but when he heard that Scaurus was co-operating with Calpurnius, he was elated with great hopes of regaining peace, and resolved upon a conference with them in person respecting the terms of it. In the mean time, for the sake of giving confidence to Jugurtha, Sextus the quæstor was dispatched by the consul to Vaga, one of the prince's towns; the pretext for his journey being the receiving of corn, which Calpurnius had openly demanded from Jugurtha's emissaries, on the ground that a truce was observed through their delay to make a surrender. Jugurtha then, as he had determined, paid a visit to the consul's camp, where, having made a short address to the council, respecting the odium cast upon his conduct, and his desire for a capitulation, he arranged other matters with Bestia and Scaurus in secret; and the next day, as if by an evident majority of voices, he was formally allowed to surrender. But, as was demanded in the hearing of the council, thirty elephants, a considerable number of cattle and horses, and a small sum of money, were delivered into the hands of the quæstor. Calpurnius then returned to Rome to preside at the election of magistrates, and peace was observed throughout Numidia and the Roman army.

Chapter 30

When rumor had made known the affairs transacted in Africa, and the mode in which they had been brought to pass, the conduct of the consul became a subject of discussion in every place and company at Rome. Among the people there was violent indignation; as to the senators, whether they would ratify so flagitious a proceeding, or annul the act of the consul, was a matter of doubt. The influence of Scaurus, as he was said to be the supporter and accomplice of Bestia, was what chiefly restrained the senate from acting with justice and honor. But Caius Memmius, of whose boldness of spirit, and hatred to the power of the nobility, I have already spoken, excited the people by his harangues, during the perplexity and delay of the senators, to take vengeance on the authors of the treaty; he exhorted them not to abandon the public interest or their own liberty; he set before them the many tyrannical and violent proceedings of the nobles, and omitted no art to inflame the popular passions. But as the eloquence of Memmius, at that period, had great reputation and influence I have thought proper to give in full one out of many of his speeches; and I take, in preference to others, that which he delivered in the assembly of the people, after the return of Bestia, in words to the following effect:

Chapter 31

" Were not my zeal for the good of the state, my fellow-citizens, superior to every other feeling, there are many considerations which would deter me from appearing in your cause; I allude to the power of the opposite party, your own tameness of spirit, the absence of all justice, and, above all, the fact that integrity is attended with more danger than honor. Indeed, it grieves me to relate, how, during the last fifteen years, you have been a sport to the arrogance of an oligarchy; how dishonorably, and how utterly unavenged, your defenders have perished; and how your spirit has become degenerate by sloth and indolence; for not even now, when your enemies are in your power, will you rouse yourselves to action, but continue still to stand in awe of those to whom you should be a terror.

" Yet, notwithstanding this state of things, I feel prompted to make an attack on the power of that faction. That liberty of speech, therefore, which has been left me by my father, I shall assuredly exert against them; but whether I shall use it in vain, or for your advantage, must, my fellow-citizens, depend upon yourselves. I do not, however, exhort you, as your ancestors have often done, to rise in arms against injustice. There is at present no need of violence, no need of secession; for your tyrants must work their fall by their own misconduct.

" After the murder of Tiberius Gracchus, whom they accused of aspiring to be king, persecutions were instituted against the common people of Rome; and after the slaughter of Caius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius, many of your order were put to death in prison. But let us leave these proceedings out of the question; let us admit that to restore their rights to the people, was to aspire to sovereignty; let us allow that what can not be avenged without shedding the blood of citizens, was done with justice. You have seen with silent indignation, however, in past years, the treasury pillaged; you have seen kings, and free people, paying tribute to a small party of Patricians, in whose hands were both the highest honors and the greatest wealth; but to have carried on such proceedings with impunity, they now deem but a small matter; and, at last, your laws and your honor, with every civil and religious obligation, have been sacrificed for the benefit of your enemies. Nor do they, who have done these things, show either shame or contrition, but parade proudly before your faces, displaying their sacerdotal dignities, their consulships, and some of them their triumphs, as if they regarded them as marks of honor, and not as fruits of their dishonesty. Slaves, purchased with money, will not submit to unjust commands from their masters; yet you, my fellow-citizens, who are born to empire, tamely endure oppression.

"But who are these that have thus taken the government into their hands ? Men of the most abandoned character, of blood-stained hands, of insatiable avarice, of enormous guilt, and of matchless pride; men by whom integrity, reputation, public spirit, and indeed every thing, whether honorable or dishonorable, is converted to a means of gain. Some of them make it their defense that they have killed tribunes of the people; others, that they have instituted unjust prosecutions; others, that they have shed your blood; and thus, the more atrocities each has committed, the greater is his security; while your oppressors, whom the same desires, the same aversions, and the same fears, combine in strict union (a union which among good men is friendship, but among the bad confederacy in guilt), have excited in you, through your want of spirit, that terror which they ought to feel for their own crimes.

" But if your concern to preserve your liberty were as great as their ardor to increase their power of oppression, the state would not be distracted as it is at present; and the marks of favor which proceed from you, would be conferred, not on the most shameless, but on the most deserving. Your forefathers, in order to assert their rights and establish their authority, twice seceded in arms to Mount Aventine ; and will not you exert yourselves, to the utmost of your power, in defense of that liberty which you received from them ? Will you not display so much the more spirit in the cause, from the reflection that it is a greater disgrace to lose what has been gained, than not to have gained it at all ?

"But some will ask me, 'What course of conduct, then, would you advise us to pursue ?' I would advise you to inflict punishment on those who have sacrificed the interests of their country to the enemy; not, indeed, by arms, or any violence (which would be more unbecoming, however, for you to inflict than for them to suffer), but by prosecutions, and by the evidence of Jugurtha himself, who, if he has really surrendered, will doubtless obey your summons; whereas, if he shows contempt for it, you will at once judge what sort of a peace or surrender it is, from which springs impunity to Jugurtha for his crimes, immense wealth to a few men in power, and loss and infamy to the republic.

"But perhaps you are not yet weary of the tyranny of these men; perhaps these times please you less than those when kingdoms, provinces, laws, rights, the administration of justice, war and peace, and indeed every thing civil and religious, was in the hands of an oligarchy; while you, that is, the people of Rome, though unconquered by foreign enemies, and rulers of all nations around, were content with being alloyed to live; for which of you had spirit to throw off your slavery ? For myself, indeed, though I think it most disgraceful to receive an injury without resenting it, yet I could easily allow you to pardon these basest of traitors, because they are your fellow-citizens, were it not certain that your indulgence would end in your destruction. For such is their presumption, that to escape punishment for their misdeeds will have but little effect upon them, unless they be deprived, at the same time, of the power of doing mischief; and endless anxiety will remain for you, if you shall have to reflect that you must either be slaves or preserve your liberty by force of arms.

"Of mutual trust, or concord, what hope is there? They wish to be lords, you desire to be free; they seek to inflict injury, you to repel it; they treat your allies as enemies, your enemies as allies. With feelings so opposite, can peace or friendship subsist between you ? I warn, therefore, and exhort you, not to allow such enormous dishonesty to go unpunished. It is not an embezzlement of the public money that has been committed; nor is it a forcible extortion of money from your allies; offenses which, though great, are now, from their frequency, considered as nothing; but the authority of the senate, and your own power, have been sacrificed to the bitterest of enemies, and the public interest has been betrayed for money, both at home and abroad; and unless these misdeeds be investigated, and punishment be inflicted on the guilty, what remains for us but to live the slaves of those who committed them For those who do what they will with impunity are undoubtedly kings.

"I do not, however, wish to encourage you, O Romans, to be better satisfied at finding your fellow-citizens guilty than innocent, but merely to warn you not to bring ruin on the good, by suffering the bad to escape. It is far better, in any government, to be unmindful of a service than of an injury ; for a good man, if neglected, only becomes less active; but a bad man, more daring. Besides, if the crimes of the wicked are suppressed, the state will seldom need extraordinary support from the virtuous."

Chapter 32

By repeating these and similar sentiments, Memmius prevailed on the people to send Lucius Cassius, who was then prætor, to Jugurtha, and to bring him, under guarantee of the public faith, to Rome, in order that, by the prince's evidence, the misconduct of Scaurus and the rest, whom they charged with having taken bribes, might more easily be made manifest.

During the course of these proceedings at Rome, those whom Bestia had left in Numidia in command of the army, following the example of their general, had been guilty of many scandalous transactions. Some, seduced by gold, had restored Jugurtha his elephants; others had sold him his deserters; others had ravaged the lands of those at peace with us; so strong a spirit of rapacity, like the contagion of a pestilence, had pervaded the breasts of all.

Cassius, when the measure proposed by Memmius had been carried, and while all the nobility were in consternation, set out on his mission to Jugurtha, whom, alarmed as he was, and despairing of his fortune, from a sense of guilt, he admonished " that since he had surrendered himself to the Romans, he had better make trial of their mercy than their power." He also pledged his own word, which Jugurtha valued not less than that of the public, for his safety. Such, at that period, was the reputation of Cassius.

Chapter 33

Jugurtha, accordingly, accompanied Cassius to Rome, but without any mark of royalty, and in the garb, as much as possible, of a suppliant; and, though he felt great confidence on his own part, and was supported by all those through whose power or villainy he had accomplished his projects, he purchased, by a vast bribe, the aid of Caius Bæbius, a tribune of the people, by whose audacity he hoped to be protected against the law, and against all harm.

An assembly of the people being convoked, Memmius although they were violently exasperated against Jugurtha, (some demanding that he should be cast into prison, others that, unless he should name his accomplices in guilt, he should be put to death, according to the usage of their ancestors, as a public enemy), yet, regarding rather their character than their resentment, endeavored to calm their turbulence and mitigate their rage ; and assured them that, as far as depended on him, the public faith should not be broken. At length, when silence was obtained, he brought forward Jugurtha, and addressed them. He detailed the misdeeds of Jugurtha at Rome and in Numidia, and set forth his crimes toward his father and brothers; and admonished the prince, " that the Roman people, though they were well aware by whose support and agency he had acted, yet desired further testimony from himself; that, if he disclosed the truth, there was great hope for him in the honor and clemency of the Romans; but if he concealed it, he would certainly not save his accomplices, but ruin himself and his hopes forever."

Chapter 34

But when Memmius had concluded his speech, and Jugurtha was expected to give his answer, Caius Bæbius, the tribune of the people, whom I have just noticed as having been bribed, enjoined the prince to hold his peace; and though the multitude, who formed the assembly, were desperately enraged, and endeavored to terrify the tribune by outcries, by angry looks, by violent gestures, and by every other act to which anger prompts, his audacity was at last triumphant. The people, mocked and set at naught, withdrew from the place of assembly; and the confidence of Jugurtha, Bestia, and the others, whom this investigation had alarmed, was greatly augmented.

Chapter 35

There was at this period in Rome a certain Numidian named Massiva, a son of Gulussa and grandson of Masinissa, who, from having been, in the dissensions among the princes, opposed to Jugurtha, had been obliged, after the surrender of Cirta and the murder of Adherbal, to make his escape out of Africa. Spurius Albinus, who was consul with Quintus Minucius Rufus the year after Bestia, prevailed upon this man, as he was of the family of Masinissa, and as odium and terror hung over Jugurtha for his crimes, to petition the senate for the kingdom of Numidia. Albinus,being eager for the conduct of a war, was desirous that affairs should be disturbed, rather than sink into tranquillity; especially as, in the division of the provinces, Numidia had fallen to himself, and Macedonia to Minucius.

When Massiva proceeded to carry these suggestions into execution, Jugurtha, finding that he had no sufficient support in his friends, as a sense of guilt deterred some, and evil report or timidity others, from coming forward in his behalf, directed Bomilcar, his most attached and faithful adherent, to procure by the aid of money, by which he had already effected so much, assassins to kill Massiva; and to do it secretly if he could; but, if secrecy should be impossible, to cut him off' in any way whatsoever. This commission Bomilcar soon found means to execute; and, by the agency of men versed in such service, ascertained the direction of his journeys, his hours of leaving home, and the times at which he resorted to particular places, and, when all was ready, placed his assassins in ambush. One of their number sprung upon Massiva, though with too little caution, and killed him; but being himself caught, he made, at the instigation of many, and especially of Albinus the consul, a full confession. Bomilcar was accordingly committed for trial, though rather on the principles of reason and justice than in accordance with the law of nations, as he was in the retinue of one who had come to Rome on a pledge of the public faith for his safety. But Jugurtha, though clearly guilty of the crime, did not cease to struggle against the truth, until he perceived that the infamy of the deed was too strong for his interest or his money. For which reason, although, at the commencement of the proceedings, he had given fifty of his friends as bail for Bomilcar, yet, thinking more of his kingdom than of the sureties, he sent him off privately into Numidia; for he feared that if such a man should be executed, his other subjects would be deterred from obeying him. A few days after, he himself departed, having been ordered by the senate to quit Italy. But, as he was going from Rome, he is said, after frequently looking back on it in silence, to have at last exclaimed, "That it was a venal city, and would soon perish, if it could but find a purchaser !"

Chapter 36

The war being now renewed, Albinus hastened to transport provisions, money, and other things necessary for the army, into Africa, whither he himself soon followed, with the hope that, before the time of the comitia, which was not far distant, he might be able, by an engagement, by capitulation, or by some other method, to bring the contest to a conclusion. Jugurtha, on the other hand, tried every means of protracting the war, continually inventing new causes for delay; at one time he promised to surrender, at another he feigned distrust; he retreated when Albinus attacked him, and then, lest his men should lose courage, attacked in return, and thus amused the consul with alternate procrastinations of war and of peace.

There were some, at that time, who thought that Albinus understood Jugurtha's object, and who believed that so ready a protraction of the war, after so much haste at the commencement, was to be attributed less to tardiness than to treachery. However this might be, Albinus, when time passed on, and the day of the comitia approached, left his brother Aulus in the camp as proprætor, and returned to Rome.

Chapter 37

The republic, at this time was grievously distracted by the contentions of the tribunes. Two of them, Publius Lucullus and Lucius Annius, were struggling against the will of their colleagues, to prolong their term of office; and this dispute put off the comitia throughout the year. In consequence of this delay, Aulus, who, as I have just said, was left as proprætor in the camp, conceiving hopes either of finishing the war, or of extorting money from Jugurtha by the terror of his army, drew out his troops in the month of January, from their winter-quarters into the field, and by forced marches, during severe weather, made his way to the town of Suthul, where Jugurtha's treasures were deposited. And though this place, both from the inclemency of the season, and from its advantageous situation, could neither be taken nor besieged; for around its walls, which were built on the edge of a steep hill, a marshy plain, flooded by the rains of winter, had been converted into a lake; yet Aulus, either as a feint to strike terror into Jugurtha, or blinded by avarice, began to move forward his vineæ, to cast up a rampart, and to hasten all necessary preparations for a siege.

Chapter 38

Jugurtha, seeing the proprætor's vanity and ignorance, artfully strengthened his infatuation; he sent him, from time to time, deputies with submissive messages, while he himself, as if desirous to escape, led his army away through woody defiles and cross-roads. At length he succeeded in alluring Aulus, by the prospect of a surrender on conditions, to leave Suthul, and pursue him, as if in full retreat, into the remoter parts of the country. Meanwhile, by means of skillful emissaries, he tampered night and day with our men, and prevailed on some of the officers, both of infantry and cavalry, to desert to him at once, and upon others to quit their posts at a given signal, that their defection might thus be less observed. Having prepared matters according to his wishes, he suddenly surrounded the camp of Aulus, in the dead of night, with a vast body of Numidians. The Roman soldiers were alarmed with an unusual disturbance; some of them seized their arms, others hid themselves, others encouraged those that were afraid; but consternation prevailed every where ; for the number of the enemy was great, the sky was thick with clouds and darkness, the danger was indiscernible, and it was uncertain whether it were safer to flee or to remain. Of those whom I have just mentioned as being bribed, one cohort of Ligurians, with two troops of Thracian horse, and a few common soldiers, went over to Jugurtha; and the chief centurion of the third legion allowed the enemy an entrance at the very post which he had been appointed to defend, and at which all the Numidians poured into the camp. Our men fled disgracefully, the greater part having thrown away their arms, and took possession of a neighboring hill. Night, and the spoils of the camp, prevented the enemy from making full use of this victory. On the following day, Jugurtha, coming to a conference with Aulus, told him, " that though he held him hemmed in by famine and the sword, yet that, being mindful of human vicissitudes, he would, if they would make a treaty with him, allow them to depart uninjured; only that they must pass under the yoke, and quit Numidia within ten days." These terms were severe and ignominious; but, as death was the alternative, peace was concluded as Jugurtha desired.

Chapter 39

When this affair was made known at Rome, consternation and dismay pervaded the city; some were concerned for the glory of the republic; others, ignorant of war, trembled for their liberty. But all were indignant at Aulus, and especially those who had been distinguished in the field, because, with arms in his hands, he had sought safety in disgrace rather than in resistance. The consul Albinus, apprehending, from the delinquency of his brother, odium and danger to himself, consulted the senate on the treaty which had been made, but, at the same time, raised recruits for the army, sent for auxiliaries to the allies and Latins, and made general preparations for war. The senate, as was just, decreed, "that no treaty could be made without their own consent and that of the people."

The consul, though he was hindered by the influence of the tribunes from taking with him the force which he had raised, set out in a few days for the province of Africa, where the whole army, being withdrawn, according to the agreement, from Numidia, had gone into winter-quarters. When he arrived there, although he longed to pursue Jugurtha, and diminish the odium that had fallen on his brother, yet, when he saw the state of the troops, whom, besides the flight and relaxation of discipline, licentiousness, and debauchery had corrupted, he determined, under all the circumstances of the case, to attempt nothing.

Chapter 40

At Rome, in the mean time, Caius Mamilius Limetanus, one of the tribunes, proposed that the people should pass a bill for instituting an inquiry into the conduct of those by whose influence Jugurtha had set at naught the decrees of the senate, as well as of those who, whether as embassadors or commanders, had received money from him, or who had restored to him his elephants and deserters, or had made any compacts with the enemy relative to peace or war. To this bill some, who were conscious of guilt, and, others, who apprehended danger from the jealousy of parties, secretly raised obstructions through the agency of friends, and especially of men among the Latins and Italian allies, since they could not openly resist it, without admitting that these and similar practices met their approbation. But as to the people, it is incredible what eagerness they displayed, and with what spirit they approved, voted, and passed the bill, though rather from hatred to the nobility, against whom these severe measures were directed, than from concern for the republic; so violent was the fury of party.

While the rest of the delinquents were in trepidation, Marcus Scaurus, whom I have previously noticed as Bestia's lieutenant, contrived, amid the exultation of the populace, the dismay of his own party, and the continued agitation in the city, to have himself elected one of the three commissioners who were appointed by the bill of Mamilius to carry it into execution. But the investigation, notwithstanding, was conducted with great rigor and violence, under the influence of common rumor and popular caprice; for the insolence of success, which had often distinguished the nobility, on this occasion characterized the people.

Chapter 41

The prevalence of parties among the people, and of factions in the senate, and of all evil practices attendant on them, had its origin at Rome, a few years before, during a period of tranquillity, and amid the abundance of all that mankind regarded as desirable. For, before the destruction of Carthage, the senate and people managed the affairs of the republic with mutual moderation and forbearance; there were no contests among the citizens for honor or ascendency; but the dread of an enemy kept the state in order. When that fear, however, was removed from their minds, licentiousness and pride, evils which prosperity loves to foster, immediately began to prevail; and thus peace, which they had so eagerly desired in adversity, proved, when they had obtained it, more grievous and fatal than adversity itself. The patricians carried their authority, and the people their liberty, to excess; every man took, snatched, and seized what he could. There was a complete division into two factions, and the republic was torn in pieces between them. Yet the nobility still maintained an ascendency by conspiring together; for the strength of the people, being disunited and dispersed among a multitude, was less able to exert itself. Things were accordingly directed, both at home and in the field, by the will of a small number of men, at whose disposal were the treasury, the provinces, offices, honors, and triumphs; while the people were oppressed with military service and with poverty, and the generals divided the spoils of war with a few of their friends. The parents and children of the soldiers, meantime, if they chanced to dwell near a powerful neighbor, were driven from their homes. Thus avarice, leagued with power, disturbed, violated, and wasted every thing, without moderation or restraint; disregarding alike reason and religion, and rushing headlong, as it were, to its own destruction. For whenever any arose among the nobility, who preferred true glory to unjust power, the state was immediately in a tumult, and civil discord spread with as much disturbance as attends a convulsion of the earth.

Chapter 42

Thus when Tiberius and Caius Gracchus, whose forefathers had done much to increase the power of the state in the Punic and other wars, began to vindicate the liberty of the people, and to expose the misconduct of the few, the nobility, conscious of guilt, and seized with alarm, endeavored, sometimes by means of the allies and Latins, and sometimes by means of the equestrian order, whom the hope of coalition with the patricians had detached from the people, to put a stop to the proceedings of the Gracchi; and first they killed Tiberius, and a few years after Caius, who pursued the same measures as his brother, the one when he was tribune, and the other when he was one of a triumvirate for settling colonies; and with them they cut off Marcus Fulvius Flaccus. In the Gracchi, indeed, it must be allowed that, from their ardor for victory, there was not sufficient prudence. But to a reasonable man it is more agreeable to submit to injustice than to triumph over it by improper means. The nobility, however, using their victory with wanton extravagance, exterminated numbers of men by the sword or by exile, yet rather increased, for the time to come, the dread with which they were regarded, than their real power. Such proceedings have often ruined powerful states; for of two parties, each strives to suppress the other by any means whatever, and take vengeance with undue severity on the vanquished.

But were I to attempt to treat of the animosities of parties, and of the morals of the state, with minuteness of detail, and suitably to the vastness of the subject, time would fail me sooner than matter. I therefore return to my subject.

Chapter 43

After the treaty of Aulus, and the disgraceful flight of our army, Quintus Metellus and Marcus Silanus, the consuls elect, divided the provinces between them; and Numidia fell to Metellus, a man of energy, and, though an opponent of the popular party, yet of a character uniformly irreproachable. He, as soon as he entered on his office, regarded all other things as common to himself and his colleague, but directed his chief attention to the war which he was to conduct. Distrusting, therefore, the old army, he began to raise new troops, to procure auxiliaries from all parts, and to provide arms, horses, and other military requisites, besides provisions in abundance, and every thing else which was likely to be of use in a war varied in its character, and demanding great resources. To assist in accomplishing these objects, the allies and Latins, by the appointment of the senate, and different princes of their own accord, sent supplies; and the whole state exerted itself in the cause with the greatest zeal. Having at length prepared and arranged every thing according to his wishes, Metellus set out for Numidia, attended with sanguine expectations on the part of his fellow-citizens, not only because of his other excellent qualities, but especially because his mind was proof against gold; for it was through the avarice of our commanders, that, down to this period, our affairs in Numidia had been ruined, and those of the enemy rendered prosperous.

Chapter 44

When he arrived in Africa, the command of the army was resigned to him by Albinus, the proconsul; but it was an army spiritless and unwarlike; incapable of encountering either danger or fatigue; more ready with the tongue than with the sword; accustomed to plunder our allies, while itself was the prey of the enemy; unchecked by discipline, and void of all regard to its character. The new general, accordingly, felt more anxiety from the corrupt morals of the men, than confidence or hope from their numbers. He determined, however, though the delay of the comitia had shortened his summer campaign, and though he knew his countrymen to be anxious for the result of his proceedings, not to commence operations, until, by a revival of the old discipline, he had brought the soldiers to bear fatigue. For Albinus, dispirited by the disaster of his brother Aulus and his army, and having resolved not to leave the province during the portion of the summer that he was to command, had kept the soldiers, for the most part, in a stationary camp, except when stench, or want of forage, obiged them to remove. But neither had the camp been fortified, nor the watches kept, according to military usage; every one had been allowed to leave his post when he pleased. The camp-followers, mingled with the soldiers, wandered about day and night, ravaging the country, robbing the houses, and vying with each other in carrying off cattle and slaves, which they exchanged with traders for foreign wine and other luxuries; they even sold the corn, which was given them from the public store, and bought bread from day to day; and, in a word, whatever abominations, arising from idleness and licentiousness, can be expressed or imagined, and even more, were to be seen in that army.

Chapter 45

But I am assured that Metellus, in these difficult circumstances, no less than in his operations against the enemy, proved himself a great and wise man; so just a medium did he observe between an affectation of popularity and an excessive enforcement of discipline. His first measure was to remove incentives to idleness, by a general order that no one should sell bread, or any other dressed provisions, in the camp; that no sutlers should follow the army; and that no common soldier should have a servant, or beast of burden, either in a camp or on a march. He made the strictest regulations, too, with regard to other things. He moved his camp daily, exercising the soldiers by marches across the country; he fortified it with a rampart and a trench, exactly as if the enemy had been at hand; he placed numerous sentinels by night, and went the rounds with his officers; and, when the army was on the march, he would be at one time in the front, at another in the rear, and at another in the center, to see that none quitted their ranks, that the men kept close to their standards, and that every soldier carried his provisions and his arms. Thus by preventing rather than punishing irregularities, he in a short time rendered his army effective.

Chapter 46

Jugurtha, meantime, having learned from his emissaries how Metellus was proceeding, and having heard, when lie was in Rome, of the integrity of the consul's character, began to despair of his plans, and at length actually endeavored to effect a capitulation. He therefore sent deputies to the consul with proposals of submission, stipulating only for his own life and that of his children, and offering to surrender every thing else to the Romans. But Metellus had already learned by experience, that the Numidians were a faithless race, of unsettled disposition, and fond of change; and he accordingly applied himself to each of the deputies separately, and after gradually sounding them, and finding them proper instruments for his purpose, prevailed on them, by large promises, to deliver Jugurtha into his hands; bringing him alive, if they could, or dead, if to take him alive was impracticable. In public, however, he directed that such an answer should be given to the king as would be agreeable to his wishes.

A few days afterward, he led the army, which was now vigorous and resolute, into Numidia, where, instead of any appearance of war, he found the cottages full of people, and the cattle and laborers in the fields, while the officers of Jugurtha came from the towns and villages to meet him, offering to supply him with corn, to convey provisions for him, and to do whatever might be required of them. Metellus, notwithstanding, made no diminution in the caution with which he marched, but kept as much upon the defensive as if an enemy had been at hand; and he dispatched scouts to explore the country, thinking that these signs of submission were but pretense, and that the Numidians were watching an opportunity for treachery. He himself, with some light-armed cohorts, and a select body of slingers and archers, advanced always in the front; while Caius Marius, his lieutenant-general, at the head of the cavalry, had charge of the rear. The auxiliary horse, distributed among the tribunes of the legions and prefects of the cohorts, he placed on the flanks, so that, with the aid of the light troops mixed with them, they might repel the enemy whenever an approach should be made. For such was the subtlety of Jugurtha, and such his knowledge of the country and the art of war, that it was doubtful whether he was more formidable absent or present, offering peace or threatening hostilities.

Chapter 47

There lay, not far from the route which Metellus was pursuing, a city of the Numidians named Vaga, the most celebrated place for trade in the whole kingdom, in which many Italian merchants were accustomed to reside and traffic. Here the consul, to try the disposition of the inhabitants, and, should they allow him, to take advantage of the situation of the place, established a garrison, and ordered the people to furnish him with corn, and other necessaries for war; thinking, as circumstances indeed suggested, that the concourse of merchants, and frequent arrival of supplies, would add strength to his army, and further the plans which he had already formed.

In the midst of these proceedings, Jugurtha, with extraordinary earnestness, sent deputies to sue for peace, offering to resign every thing to Metellus, except his own life and that of his children. These, like the former, the consul first seduced to treachery, and then sent back; the peace which Jugurtha asked, he neither granted nor refused, but waited, during these delays, the performance of the deputies' promises.

Chapter 48

Jugurtha, on comparing the words of Metellus with his actions, perceived that he was assailed with his own artifices; for though peace was offered him in words, a most vigorous war was in reality pursued against him; one of his strongest cities was wrested from him; his country was explored by the enemy, and the affections of his subjects alienated. Being compelled, therefore, by the necessity of circumstances, he resolved to try the fortune of a battle. Having, with this view, informed himself of the exact route of the enemy, and hoping for success from the advantage of the ground, he collected as large a force of every kind as he could, and, marching by cross-roads, got in advance of Metellus' army.

There was, in that part of Numidia, of which, on the division of the kingdom, Adherbal had become possessor, a river named Muthul, flowing from the south; and, about twenty miles from it, was a range of mountains running parallel with the stream, wild and uncultivated; but from the center of it stretched a kind of hill, reaching to a vast distance, covered with wild olives, myrtles, and other trees, such as grow in a dry and sandy soil. The plain, which lay between the mountains and the Muthul, was uninhabited from want of water, except the parts bordering on the river, which were planted with trees, and full of cattle and inhabitants.

Chapter 49

On this hill, which I have just mentioned, stretching in a transverse direction, Jugurtha took post with his line drawn out to a great length. The command of the elephants, and of part of the infantry, he committed to Bomilcar, and gave him instructions how to act. He himself, with the whole of the cavalry and the choicest of the foot, took his station nearer to the range of mountains. Then, riding round among the several squadrons and battalions, he exhorted and conjured them to call to mind their former prowess and triumphs, and to defend themselves and their country from Roman rapacity; saying that they would have to engage with those whom they had already conquered and sent under the yoke, and that, though their commander was changed, there was no alteration in their spirit. He added, that he had provided for his men every thing becoming a general; that he had chosen the higher ground, where they, being well acquainted with the country, would contend with adversaries ignorant of it; nor would they engage, inferior in numbers and skill, with a larger or more experienced force; and that they should, therefore, be ready, when the signal should be given, to fall vigorously on the Romans, as that day would either crown all their labors and victories, or be a prelude to the most grievous calamities. He also addressed himself, individually, to any one whom he had rewarded with money or honors for military desert, reminding him of his favors, and pointing him out as an example to the rest; and finally he excited all his men, some in one way and some in another, by threats or entreaties, according to the different dispositions of each.

Metellus, who was still ignorant of the enemy's position, was now seen descending the mountain with his army. He was at first doubtful what the strange appearance before him indicated; for the Numidians, both cavalry and infantry, had taken post among the wood, not entirely concealing themselves, by reason of the lowness of the trees, yet rendering it uncertain what they were, as both themselves and their standards were screened as well by the nature of the ground as by artifice; but soon perceiving that there were men in ambush, he halted awhile, and, having altered the arrangement of his troops, he drew up those in the right wing, which was nearest to the enemy, in three lines ; he distributed the slingers and archers among the infantry, posted all the cavalry on the flanks, and having made a brief address, such as time permitted, to his men, he led them down, with the front changed into a flank, toward the plain.

Chapter 50

But when he observed that the Numidians remained quiet, and did not offer to descend from the hill, he became apprehensive that his army, from the season of the year and the scarcity of water, might be overcome with thirst, and therefore sent Rutilius, one of his lieutenant-generals, with the light-armed cohorts and a detachment of cavalry, toward the river, to secure ground for an encampment, expecting that the enemy, by frequent charges and attacks on his flank, would endeavor to impede his march, and, as they despaired of success in arms, would try the effect of fatigue and thirst on his troops. He then continued to advance by degrees, as his circumstances and the ground permitted, in the same order in which he had descended from the range of mountains. He assigned Marius his post behind the front line, and took on himself the command of the cavalry on the left wing, which, on the march, had become the van.

When Jugurtha perceived that the rear of the Roman army had passed his first line, he took possession of that part of the mountain from which Metellus had descended, with a body of about two thousand infantry, that it might not serve the enemy, if they were driven back, as a place of retreat, and afterward as a post of defense; and then, ordering the signal to be given, suddenly commenced his attack. Some of his Numidians made havoc in the rear of the Romans, while others assailed them on the right and left wings; they all advanced and charged furiously, and every where threw the consul's troops into confusion. Even those of our men who made the stoutest resistance, were baffled by the enemy's versatile method of fighting, and wounded from a distance, without having the power of wounding in return, or of coming to close combat; for the Numidian cavalry, as they had been previously instructed by Jugurtha, retreated whenever a troop of Romans attempted to pursue them, but did not keep in a body, or collect themselves into one place, but dispersed as widely as possible. Thus, being superior in numbers, if they could not deter the Romans from pursuing, they surrounded them, when disordered, on the rear or flank, or, if the hill seemed more convenient for retreat than the plain, the Numidian horses, being accustomed to the brushwood, easily made their way among it, while the difficulty of the ascent, and want of acquaintance with the ground, impeded those of the Romans.

Chapter 51

The aspect of the whole struggle was indeed various, perplexing, direful, and lamentable; the men, separated from their comrades, were partly fleeing, partly pursuing; neither standards nor ranks were regarded, but wherever danger pressed, there they made a stand and defended themselves; arms and weapons, horses and men, enemies, and fellow-countrymen, were all mingled in confusion; nothing was done by direction or command, but chance ordered every thing. Though the day, therefore, was now far advanced, the event of the contest was still uncertain. At last, however, when all were faint with exertion and the heat of the day, Metellus, observing that the Numidians were less vigorous in their charges, drew his troops together by degrees, restored order among them, and led four cohorts of the legions against the enemy's infantry, of whom a great number, overcome with fatigue, had seated themselves on the high ground. He at the same time entreated and exhorted his men not to lose courage, nor to suffer a flying enemy to be victorious; adding that they had neither camp nor citadel to which they could flee, but that their only dependence was on their arms. Nor was Jugurtha, in the mean time, inactive; he rode round among his troops, cheered them, renewed the contest, and, at the head of a select body, made every possible effort for victory; supporting his own men, charging such of the enemy as wavered, and repressing with missiles such as he saw remaining unshaken.

Chapter 52

Thus did these two commanders, both eminent men, maintain the contest against each other. In personal ability they were equal, but in circumstances unequal. Metellus had. resolute troops, but a disadvantageous position; Jugurtha had every thing in his favor except men. At last the Romans, seeing that they had no place of refuge, that the enemy allowed no opportunity for a regular engagement, and that the evening was fast approaching, forced their way, according to the orders which were given, up the hill. The Numidians were thus driven from their position, routed, and put to flight; a few of them were slain, but their speed, and the enemy's ignorance of the country, saved the greater number of them.

Meanwhile Bomilcar, who, as I have said before, was appointed by Jugurtha over the elephants and a part of the infantry, having seen Rutilius pass by him, led down his men gradually into the plain, and while Rutilius hastened to the river, to which he had been dispatched, quietly drew them up in such order as circumstances required; not omitting, at the same time, to watch every movement of the enemy. When he learned that Rutilius had taken his position, and seemed free from apprehension of danger, and heard, at the same time, an increasing noise where Jugurtha was engaged, fearing lest the lieutenant-general, taking the alarm, should go to the support of his countrymen in difficulties, he, in order to intercept his march, increased the extent of his lines, which, from distrust of the bravery of his men, he had previously condensed, and advanced in this order toward Rutilius' camp.

Chapter 53

The Romans, on a sudden, observed a vast cloud of dust, which, as the ground, thickly covered with brushes, obstructed their view, they at first supposed to be only sand raised by the wind; but at length, when they saw that it continued uniform, and approached nearer and nearer as the line advanced, they understood the real cause of it, and, hastily seizing their arms, drew up, as their commander directed, before the camp. When the enemy came up, both sides rushed to the encounter with loud shouts. But the Numidians maintained the contest only as long as they trusted for support to their elephants; for, when they saw the animals entangled in the boughs of the trees, and dispersed or surrounded by the enemy, they betook themselves to flight, and most of them, having thrown away their arms, escaped, by favor of the hill, or of the night, which was now coming on, without injury. Of the elephants, four were taken, and the rest, to the number of forty, were killed.

The Romans, though fatigued and exhausted with their march, the construction of their camp, and the engagement, yet, as Metellus was longer in coming than they expected, advanced to meet him in regular and steady order. The subtlety of the Numidians, indeed, allowed them neither rest nor relaxation. But as the two parties drew together, in the obscurity of the night, each occasioned, by a noise like that of enemies approaching, alarm and trepidation in the other; and, had not parties of horse, sent forward from both sides, ascertained the truth, a fatal disaster was on the point of happening from the mistake. However, in place of fear, joy quickly succeeded; the soldiers met with mutual congratulations, relating their adventures, or listening to those of others, and each extolling his own achievements to the skies. For thus it is with human affairs; in success, even cowards may boast; while defeat lowers the character even of heroes.

Chapter 54

Metellus remained four days in the same camp. He carefully provided for the recovery of the wounded, rewarded, in military fashion, such as had distinguished themselves in the engagements, and praised and thanked them all in a public address; exhorting them to maintain equal resolution in their future labors, which would be less arduous, as they had fought sufficiently for victory, and would now have to contend only for spoil. In the mean time he dispatched deserters, and other eligible persons, to ascertain where Jugurtha was, or what he was doing; whether he had but few followers, or a large army; and how he conducted himself under his defeat. The prince, he found, had retreated to places full of wood, well defended by nature, and was there collecting an army, which would be more numerous indeed than the former, but inactive and inefficient, as being composed of men better acquainted with husbandry and cattle than with war. This had happened from the circumstance, that, in case of flight, none of the Numidian troops, except the royal cavalry, follow their king; the rest disperse, wherever inclination leads them; nor is this thought any disgrace to them as soldiers, such being the custom of the people.

Metellus, therefore, seeing that Jugurtha's spirit was still unsubdued; that a war was being renewed, which could only be conducted according to the prince's pleasure; and that he was struggling with the enemy on unequal terms, as the Numidians suffered a defeat with less loss than his own men gained a victory, he resolved to manage the contest, not by pitched battles or regular warfare, but in another method. He accordingly marched into the richest parts of Numidia, captured and burned many fortresses and towns, which were insufficiently or wholly undefended, put the youth to the sword, and gave up every thing else as plunder to his soldiers. From the terror caused by these proceedings, many persons were given up as hostages to the Romans; corn, and other necessaries, were supplied in abundance; and garrisons were admitted wherever Metellus thought fit.

These measures alarmed Jugurtha much more than the loss of the late battle; for he, whose whole security lay in flight, was compelled to pursue; and he who could not defend his own part of the kingdom, was obliged to make war in that which was occupied by others. Under these circumstances, however, he adopted what seemed the most eligible plan. He ordered the main body of his army to continue stationary; while he himself, with a select troop of cavalry, went in pursuit of Metellus, and coming upon him unperceived, by means of night marches and by-roads, he fell upon such of the Roman as were straggling about, of whom the greater number, being unarmed, were slain, and several others made prisoners; not one of them, indeed, escaped unharmed; and the Numidians, before assistance could arrive from the camp, fled, as they had been ordered, to the nearest hills.

Chapter 55

In the mean time great joy appeared at Rome when the proceedings of Metellus were reported, and when it was known how he was conducting himself and his army conformably to the ancient discipline; how, on adverse ground, he had gained a victory by his valor; how he was securing possession of the enemy's territory; and how he had driven Jugurtha, when elated by the weakness of Aulus, to depend for safety on the desert or on flight. For these successes, accordingly, the senate decreed a thanksgiving to the immortal gods; the city, which had been full of anxiety, and apprehensive as to the event of the war, was now filled with joy; and the fame of Metellus was raised to the utmost height.

The consul's eagerness to gain a complete victory was thus increased; he exerted himself in every possible way, taking care, at the same time, to give the enemy no opportunity of attacking him to advantage. He remembered that envy is the concomitant of glory, and thus, the more renowned he became, the greater was his caution and circumspection. He never went out to plunder, after the sudden attack of Jugurtha, with his troops in scattered parties; when corn or forage was sought, a body of cohorts, with the whole of the cavalry, were stationed as a guard. He himself conducted part of the army, and Marius the rest. The country was wasted, however, more by fire than by spoliation. They had separate camps, not far from each other; whenever there was occasion for force, they formed a union; but, that desolation and terror might spread the further, they acted separately. Jugurtha, meanwhile, continued to follow them along the hills, watching for a favorable opportunity or situation for an attack. He destroyed the forage, and spoiled the water, which was scarce, wherever he found that the enemy were coming. He presented himself sometimes to Metellus, and sometimes to Marius; he would attack their rear upon a march, and instantly retreat to the hills; he would threaten sometimes one point, and sometimes another, neither giving battle nor allowing rest, but making it his great object to retard the progress of the enemy.

Chapter 56

The Roman commander, finding himself thus harassed by artifices, and allowed no opportunity of coming to a general engagement, resolved on laying siege to a large city, named Zama, which was the bulwark of that part of the kingdom in which it was situate; expecting that Jugurtha, as a necessary consequence, would come to the relief of his subjects in distress, and that a battle would then follow. But the king, being apprised by some deserters of the consul's design, reached the place, by rapid marches, before him, and exhorted the inhabitants to defend their walls, giving them, as a reinforcement, a body of deserters; a class of men, who, of all the royal forces, were the most to be trusted, inasmuch as they dared not be guilty of treachery. He also promised to support them, whenever it should be necessary, with his whole army.

Having taken these precautions, he retired into the deserts of the interior; where he soon after learned that Marius, with a few cohorts, had been dispatched from the line of march to bring provisions from Sicca, a town which had been the first to revolt from him after his defeat. To this place he hastened by night, accompanied by a select body of cavalry, and attacked the Romans at the gate, just as they were leaving the city; calling to the inhabitants, at the same time, with a loud voice, to surround the cohorts in the rear; adding, that Fortune had given them an opportunity for a glorious exploit; and that, if they took advantage of it, he would henceforth enjoy his kingdom, and they their liberty, without fear. And had not Marius hastened to advance the standards, and to escape from the town, it is certain that all, or the greater part of the inhabitants, would have changed their allegiance; so great is the fickleness which the Numidians exhibit in their conduct. The soldiers of Jugurtha, animated for a time by their king, but finding the enemy pressing them with superior force, betook themselves, after losing a few of their number, to flight.

Chapter 57

Marius arrived at Zama. This town, built on a plain, was better fortified by art than by nature. It was well supplied with necessaries, and contained plenty of arms and men. Metellus, having made arrangements suitable for the time and the place, encompassed the whole city with his army, assigning to each of his officers his post of command. At a given signal, a loud shout was raised on every side, but without exciting the least alarm in the Numidians, who awaited the attack full of spirit and resolution. The assault was consequently commenced; the Romans were allowed to act each according to his inclination; some annoyed the enemy with slings and stones from a distance; others came close up to the walls, and attempted to undermine or scale them, desiring to engage in close combat with the besieged. The Zamians, on the other hand, rolled down stones, and hurled burning stakes, javelins, and wood smeared with pitch and sulphur, on the nearest assailants. Nor was caution a sufficient protection to those who kept aloof; for darts, discharged from engines or by the hand, inflicted wounds on most of them; and thus the brave and the timid, though of unequal merit, were exposed to equal danger.

Chapter 58

While the struggle was thus continued at Zama, Jugurtha, at the head of a large force, suddenly attacked the camp of the Romans, and, through the remissness of those left to guard it, who expected any thing rather than an attack, effected an entrance at one of the gates. Our men, struck with sudden consternation, acted each on his own impulse; some fled, others seized their arms; and many of them were wounded or slain. About forty, however, out of the whole number, mindful of the honor of Rome, formed themselves into a body, and took possession of a slight eminence, from which they could not be dislodged by the utmost efforts of the enemy, but hurled back the darts discharged at them, and, as they were few against many, not without execution. If the Numidians came near them, they displayed their courage, and slaughtered, repulsed, and dispersed them, with the greatest fury. Metellus, meanwhile, who was vigorously pursuing the siege, heard a noise, as of enemies, in his rear, and, turning round his horse, perceived a party of soldiers in flight toward him; a certain proof that they were his own men. He instantly, therefore, dispatched the whole of the cavalry to the camp, and immediately after-ward Caius Marius, with the cohorts of the allies, entreating him with tears, by their mutual friendship, and by his regard for the public welfare, to allow no stain to rest on a victorious army, and not to let the enemy escape with impunity. Marius soon executed his orders. Jugurtha, in consequence, after being embarrassed in the intrenchments of the camp, while some of his men threw themselves over the ramparts, and others, in their haste, obstructed each other at the gates, fled, with considerable loss, to his strongholds, Metellus, not succeeding in his attempt on the town, retired with his forces, at the approach of night, into his camp.

Chapter 59

On the following day, before he marched out to resume the siege, he ordered the whole of his cavalry to take their station before the camp, on the side where the approach of Jugurtha was to be apprehended; assigning the gates, and adjoining posts, to the charge of the tribunes. He then marched toward the town, and commenced an assault upon the walls as on the day before. Jugurtha, meanwhile, issuing from his concealment, suddenly attacked our men in the camp, of whom those stationed in advance were for the moment alarmed and thrown into confusion; but the rest soon came to their support; nor would the Numidians have longer maintained their ground, had not their foot, which were mingled with the cavalry, done great execution in the struggle; for the horse, relying on the infantry, did not, as is common in actions of cavalry, charge and then retreat, but pressed impetuously forward, disordering and breaking the ranks, and thus, with the aid of the light-armed foot, almost succeeded in giving the army a defeat.

Chapter 60

The conflict at Zama, at the same time, was continued with great fury. Wherever any lieutenant or tribune commanded, there the men exerted themselves with the utmost vigor. No one seemed to depend for support on others, but every one on his own exertions. The townsmen, on the other side, showed equal spirit. Attacks, or preparations for defense, were made in all quarters. All appeared more eager to wound their enemies than to protect themselves. Shouts, mingled with exhortations, cries of joy, and the clashing of arms, resounded through the heavens. Darts flew thick on every side. If the besiegers, however, in the least relaxed their efforts, the defenders of the walls immediately turned their attention to the distant engagement of the cavalry; they were to be seen sometimes exhibiting joy, and sometimes apprehension, according to the varying fortune of Jugurtha, and, as if they could be heard or seen by their friends, uttering warnings or exhortations, making signs with their hands, and moving their bodies to and fro, like men avoiding or hurling darts. This being noticed by Marius, who commanded on that side of the town, he artfully relaxed his efforts, as if despairing of success, and allowed the besieged to view the battle at the camp unmolested. Then, while their attention was closely fixed on their countrymen, he made a vigorous assault on the wall, and the soldiers mounting their scaling ladders, had almost gained the top, when the townsmen rushed to the spot in a body, and hurled down upon them stones, firebrands, and every description of missiles. Our men made head against these annoyances for a while, but at length, when some of the ladders were broken, and those who had mounted them dashed to the ground, the rest of the assailants retreated as they could, a few indeed unhurt, but the greater number miserably wounded. Night put an end to the efforts of both parties.

Chapter 61

When Metellus saw that all his attempts were vain; that the town was not to be taken; that Jugurtha was resolved to abstain from fighting, except from an ambush, or on his own ground, and that the summer was now far advanced, he withdrew his army from Zama, and placed garrisons in such of the cities that had revolted to him as were sufficiently strong in situation or fortifications. The rest of his forces he settled in winter quarters, in that part of our province nearest to Numidia.

This season of repose, however, he did not, like other commanders, abandon to idleness and luxury; but as the war had been but slowly advanced by fighting, he resolved to try the effect of treachery on the king through his friends, and to employ their perfidy instead of arms. He accordingly addressed himself with large promises, to Bomilcar, the same nobleman who had been with Jugurtha at Rome, and who had fled from thence, notwithstanding he had given bail, to escape being tried for the murder of Massiva; selecting this person for his instrument, because, from his great intimacy with Jugurtha, he had the best opportunities of betraying him. He prevailed on him, in the first place, to come to a conference with him privately, when, having given him his word, "that, if he should deliver up Jugurtha, alive or dead, the senate would grant him a pardon, and the full possession of his property," he easily brought him over to his purpose, especially as he was naturally faithless, and also apprehensive that, if peace were made with the Romans, he himself would be surrendered to justice by the terms of it.

Chapter 62

Bomilcar took the earliest opportunity of addressing Jugurtha, at a time when he was full of anxiety, and lamenting his ill success. He exhorted and implored him, with tears in his eyes, to take at length some thought for himself and his children, as well as for the people of Numidia, who had so much claim upon him. He reminded him that they had been defeated in every battle; that the country was laid waste; that numbers of his subjects had been captured or slain; that the resources of the kingdom were greatly reduced; that the valor of his soldiers, and his own fortune, had been already sufficiently tried; and that he should beware, lest, if he delayed to consult for his people, his people should consult for themselves. By these and similar appeals, he prevailed with Jugurtha to think of a surrender. Embassadors were accordingly sent to the Roman general, announcing that Jugurtha was ready to submit to whatever he should desire, and to trust himself and his kingdom unconditionally to his honor. Metellus, on receiving this statement, summoned such of his officers as were of senatorial rank, from their winter quarters; of whom, with others whom he thought eligible, he formed a council. By a resolution of this assembly, in conformity with ancient usage, he demanded of Jugurtha, through his embassadors, two hundred thousand pounds' weight of silver, all his elephants, and a portion of his horses and arms. These requisitions being immediately complied with, he next desired that all the deserters should be brought to him in chains. A large number of them were accordingly brought; but a few, when the surrender first began to be mentioned, had fled into Mauretania to king Bocchus.

When Jugurtha, however, after being thus despoiled of arms, men and money, was summoned to appear in person at Tisidium, to await the consul's commands, he began again to change his mind, dreading, from a consciousness of guilt, the punishment due to his crimes. Having spent several days in hesitation, sometimes, from disgust at his ill success, believing any thing better than war, and sometimes considering with himself how grievous would be the fall from sovereignty to slavery, he at last determined, notwithstanding that he had lost so many and so valuable means of resistance, to commence hostilities anew.

At Rome, meanwhile, the senate, having been consulted about the provinces, had decreed Numidia to Metellus.

Chapter 63

About the same time, as Caius Marius, who happened to be at Utica, was sacrificing to the gods, an augur told him that great and wonderful things were presaged to him; that he might therefore pursue whatever designs he had formed, trusting to the gods for success; and that he might try fortune as often as he pleased, for that all his undertakings would prosper. Previously to this period an ardent longing for the consulship had possessed him; and he had, indeed, every qualification for obtaining it, except antiquity of family; he had industry, integrity, great knowledge of war, and a spirit undaunted in the field; he was temperate in private life, superior to pleasure and riches, and ambitious only of glory. Having been born at Arpinum, and brought up there during his boyhood, he employed himself, as soon as he was of age to bear arms, not in the study of Greek eloquence, nor in learning the refinements of the city, but in military service; and thus, amid the strictest discipline, his excellent genius soon attained full vigor. When he solicited the people, therefore, for the military tribuneship, he was well known by name, though most were strangers to his face, and unanimously elected by the tribes. After this office he attained others in succession, and conducted himself so well in his public duties, that he was always deemed worthy of a higher station than he had reached. Yet, though such had been his character hitherto (for he was afterward carried away by ambition), he had not ventured to stand for the consulship. The people, at that time, still disposed of other civil offices, but the nobility transmitted the consulship from hand to hand among themselves. Nor had any commoner appeared, however famous or distinguished by his achievements, who would not have been thought unworthy of that honor, and, as it were, a disgrace to it.

Chapter 64

But when Marius found that the words of the augur pointed in the same direction as his own inclinations prompted him, he requested of Metellus leave of absence, that he might offer himself a candidate for the consulship. Metellus, though eminently distinguished by virtue, honor, and other qualities valued by the good, had yet a haughty and disdainful spirit, the common failing of the nobility. He was at first, therefore, astonished at so extraordinary an application, expressed surprise at Marius's views, and advised him, as if in friendship, "not to indulge such unreasonable expectations, or elevate his thoughts above his station; that all things were not to be coveted by all men; that his present condition ought to satisfy him; and, finally, that he should be cautious of asking from the Roman people what they might justly refuse him." Having made these and similar remarks, and finding that the resolution of Marius was not at all affected by them, he told him "that he would grant what he desired as soon as the public business would allow him." On Marius repeating his request several times afterward, he is reported to have said, "that he need not be in a hurry to go, as he would be soon enough if he became a candidate with his own son." Metellus's son was then on service in the camp with his father, and was about twenty years old.

This taunt served only to rouse the feelings of Marius, as well for the honor at which he aimed, as against Metellus. He suffered himself to be actuated, therefore, by ambition and resentment, the worst of counselors. He omitted nothing henceforward, either in deeds or words, that could increase his own popularity. He allowed the soldiers, of whom he had the command in the winter quarters, more relaxation of discipline than he had ever granted them before. He talked of the war among the merchants, of whom there was a great number at Utica, censoriously with respect to Metellus, and vauntingly with regard to himself; saying "that if but half of the army were granted him, he would in a few days have Jugurtha in chains; but that the war was purposely protracted by the consul, because, being a man of vanity and regal pride, he was too fond of the delights of power." All these assertions appeared the more credible to the merchants, as, by the long continuance of the war, they had suffered in their fortunes; and to impatient minds no haste is sufficient.

Chapter 65

There was then in our army a Numidian named Gauda, the son of Mastanabal, and grandson of Masinissa, whom Micipsa, in his will, had appointed next heir to his immediate successors. This man had been debilitated by ill-health, and, from the effect of it, was somewhat impaired in his understanding. He had petitioned Metellus to allow him a seat, like a prince, next to himself, and a troop of horse for a bodyguard; but Metellus had refused him both; the seat, because it was granted only to those whom the Roman people had addressed as kings, and the guard, because it would be an indignity to Roman cavalry to act as guards to a Numidian. While Gauda was discontented at these refusals, Marius paid him a visit, and prompted him, with his assistance, to seek revenge for the affronts put upon him by the general; inflating his mind, which was as weak as his body, with flattering speeches, telling him that he was a prince, a great man, and the grandson of Masinissa; that if Jugurtha were taken or killed, he would immediately become king of Numidia; and that this event might soon happen, if he himself were sent as consul to the war.

Thus partly the influence of Marius himself, and partly the hope of obtaining peace, induced Gauda, as well as most of the Roman knights, both soldiers and merchants, to write to their friends at Rome, in a style of censure, respecting Metellus's management of the war, and to intimate that Marius should be appointed general. The consulship, accordingly, was solicited for him by numbers of people, with the most honorable demonstrations in his favor. It happened that the people too, at this juncture, having just triumphed over the nobility by the Mamilian law, were eager to raise commoners to office. Hence every thing was favorable to Marius's views.

Chapter 66

Jugurtha, meantime, who, after relinquishing his intention to surrender, had renewed the war, was now hastening the preparations for it with the utmost diligence. He assembled an army; he endeavored, by threats or promises, to recover the towns that had revolted from him; he fortified advantageous positions; he repaired or purchased arms, weapons, and other necessaries, which he had given up on the prospect of peace; he tried to seduce the slaves of the Romans, and even tempted with bribes the Romans themselves who occupied the garrisons; he, indeed, left nothing untried or neglected, but put every engine in motion.

Induced by the entreaties of their king, from whom, indeed, they had never been alienated in affection, the leading inhabitants of Vacca, a city in which Metellus, when Jugurtha began to treat for peace, had placed a garrison, entered into a conspiracy against the Romans. As for the common people of the town, they were, as is generally the case, and especially among the Numidians, of a fickle disposition, factious and turbulent, and therefore already desirous of a change, and adverse to peace and quiet. Having arranged their plans, they fixed upon the third day following for the execution of them, because that day, being a festival, celebrated throughout Africa, would promise merriment and dissipation rather than alarm. When the time came, they invited the centurions and military tribunes, with Titus Turpilius Silanus, the governor of the town, to their several houses, and butchered them all, except Turpilius, at their banquets; and then fell upon the common soldiers, who, as was to be expected on such a day, when discipline was relaxed, were wandering about without their arms. The populace followed the example of their chiefs, some of them having been previously instructed to do so, and others induced by a liking for such disorders, and, though ignorant of what had been done or intended, finding sufficient gratification in tumult and variety.

Chapter 67

The Roman soldiers, perplexed with sudden alarm, and not knowing what was best for them to do, were in trepidation. At the citadel, where their standards and shields were, was posted a guard of the enemy; and the city-gates, previously closed, prevented escape. Women and children, too, on the roofs of the houses, hurled down upon them, with great eagerness, stones and whatever else their position furnished. Thus neither could such twofold danger be guarded against, nor could the bravest resist the feeblest; the worthy and the worthless, the valiant and the cowardly, were alike put to death unavenged. In the midst of this slaughter, while the Numidians were exercising every cruelty, and the town was closed on all sides, Turpilius was the only one, of all the Italians, that escaped unhurt. Whether his flight was the consequence of compassion in his entertainer, of compact, or of chance, I have never discovered; but since, in such a general massacre, he preferred inglorious safety to an honorable name, he seems to have been a worthless and infamous character.

Chapter 68

When Metellus heard of what had happened at Vacca, he retired for a time, overpowered with sorrow, from the public gaze; but at length, as indignation mingled with his grief, he hastened, with the utmost spirit, to take vengeance for the outrage. He led forth, at sunset, the legion that was in winter quarters with him, and as many Numidian horse as he could, and arrived, about the third hour on the following day, at a certain plain surrounded by rising grounds. Here he acquainted the soldiers, who were now exhausted with the length of their march, and averse to further exertion, that the town of Vacca was not above a mile distant, and that it became them to bear patiently the toil that remained, with the hope of exacting revenge for their countrymen, the bravest and most unfortunate of men. He likewise generously promised them the whole of the plunder. Their courage being thus revived, he ordered them to resume their march, the cavalry maintaining an extended line in front, and the infantry, with their standards concealed, keeping the closest order behind.

Chapter 69

The people of Vacca, perceiving an army coming toward them, judged rightly at first that it was Metellus, and shut their gates; but, after a while, when they saw that their fields were not laid waste, and that the front consisted of Numidian cavalry, they imagined that it was Jugurtha, and went out with great joy to meet him. A signal being immediately given, both cavalry and infantry commenced an attack; some cut down the multitude pouring from the town, others hurried to the gates, others secured the towers, revenge and the hope of plunder prevailing over their weariness. Thus Vacca triumphed only two days in its treachery; the whole city, which was great and opulent, was given up to vengeance and spoliation. Turpilius, the governor, whom we mentioned as the only person that escaped, was summoned by Metellus to answer for his conduct, and not being able to clear himself, was condemned, as a native of Latium, to be scourged and put to death.

Chapter 70

About this time, Bomilcar, at whose persuasion Jugurtha had entered upon the capitulation which he had discontinued through fear, being distrusted by the king, and distrusting him in return, grew desirous of a change of government. He accordingly meditated schemes for Jugurtha's destruction, racking his invention night and day. At last, to leave nothing untried, he sought an accomplice in Nabdalsa, a man of noble birth and great wealth, who was in high regard and favor with his countrymen, and who, on most occasions, used to command a body of troops distinct from those of the king, and to transact all business to which Jugurtha, from fatigue, or from being occupied with more important matters, was unable to attend ; employments by which he had gained both honors and wealth. By these two men in concert, a day was fixed for the execution of their treachery; succeeding matters they agreed to settle as the exigences of the moment might require. Nabdalsa then proceeded to join his troops, which he kept in readiness, according to orders, among the winter quarters of the Romans, to prevent the country from being ravaged by the enemy with impunity.

But as Nabdalsa, growing alarmed at the magnitude of the undertaking, failed to appear at the appointed time, and allowed his fears to hinder their plans, Bomilcar, eager for their execution, and disquieted at the timidity of his associate, lest he should relinquish his original intentions and adopt some new course, sent him a letter by some confidential person, in which he "reproached him with pusillanimity and irresolution, and conjured him by the gods, by whom he had sworn, not to turn the offers of Metellus to his own destruction;" assuring him " that the fall of Jugurtha was approaching; that the only thing to be considered was whether he should perish by their hand or by that of Metellus; and that, in consequence, he might consider whether to choose rewards, or death by torture."

Chapter 71

It happened that when this letter was brought, Nabdalsa, overcome with fatigue, was reposing on his couch, where, after reading Bomilcar's letter, anxiety at first, and afterward, as is usual with a troubled mind, sleep overpowered him. In his service there was a certain Numidian, the manager of his affairs, a person who possessed his confidence and esteem, and who was acquainted with all his designs except the last. He, hearing that a letter had arrived, and supposing that there would be occasion, as usual, for his assistance or suggestions, went into the tent, and, while his master was asleep, took up the letter thrown carelessly upon the cushion behind his head, and read it; and, having thus discovered the plot, set off in haste to Jugurtha. Nabdalsa, who awoke soon after, missing the letter, and hearing of the whole affair, and how it had happened, at first attempted to pursue the informer, but finding that pursuit was vain, he went himself to Jugurtha to try to appease him; saying that the disclosure which he intended to make, had been anticipated by the perfidy of his servant; and beseeching him with tears, by his friendship, and by his own former proofs of fidelity, not to think that he could be guilty of such treachery.

Chapter 72

To these entreaties the king replied with a mildness far different from his real feelings. After putting to death Bomilcar, and many others whom he knew to be privy to the plot, he refrained from any further manifestation of resentment, lest an insurrection should be the consequence of it. But after this occurrence he had no peace either by day or by night; he thought himself safe neither in any place, nor with any person, nor at any time; he feared his subjects and his enemies alike; he was always on the watch, and was startled at every sound; he passed the night sometimes in one place, and sometimes in another, and often in places little suited to royal dignity; and sometimes, starting from his sleep, he would seize his arms and raise an alarm. He was indeed so agitated by extreme terror, that he appeared under the influence of madness.

Chapter 73

Metellus, hearing from some deserters of the fate of Bomilcar, and the discovery of the conspiracy, made fresh preparations for action, and with the utmost dispatch, as if entering upon an entirely new war. Marius, who was still importuning him for leave of absence, he allowed to go home; thinking that as he served with reluctance, and bore him personal enmity, he was not likely to prove a very useful officer.

The common people at Rome, having learned the contents of the letters written from Africa concerning Metellus and Marius, had listened to the accounts given of both with eagerness. But the noble birth of Metellus, which had previously been a motive for paying him honor, had now become a cause of unpopularity; while the obscurity of Marius's origin had procured him favor. In regard to both, however, party feeling had more influence than the good or bad qualities of either. The factious tribunes, too, inflamed the populace, charging Metellus, in their harangues, with offenses worthy of death, and exaggerating the excellent qualities of Marius. At length the people were so excited that all the artisans and rustics, whose whole subsistence and credit depended on their labor, quitting their several employments, attended Marius in crowds, and thought less of their own wants than of his exaltation. Thus the nobility being borne down, the consulship, after the lapse of many years, was once more given to a man of humble birth. And afterward, when the people were asked by Manilius Mancinus, one of their tribunes, whom they would appoint to carry on the war against Jugurtha, they, in a full assembly, voted it to Marius. The senate had previously decreed it to Metellus; but that decree was thus rendered abortive.

Chapter 74

During this period, Jugurtha, as he was bereft of his friends (of whom he had put to death the greater number, while the rest, under the influence of terror, had fled partly to the Romans, and partly to Bocchus), as the war, too, could not be carried on without officers, and as he thought it dangerous to try the faith of new ones after such perfidy among the old, was involved in doubt and perplexity; no scheme, no counsel, no person could satisfy him; he changed his route and his captains daily; he hurried sometimes against the enemy, and some-times toward the deserts; depended at one time on flight, and at another on resistance; and was unable to decide whether he could less trust the courage or the fidelity of his subjects. Thus, in whatever direction he turned his thoughts, the prospect was equally disheartening.

In the midst of his irresolution, Metellus suddenly made his appearance with his army. The Numidians were assembled and drawn up by Jugurtha, as well as time permitted; and a battle was at once commenced. Where the king commanded in person, the struggle was maintained for some time; but the rest of his force was routed and put to flight at the first onset. The Romans took a considerable number of standards and arms, but not many prisoners; for, in almost every battle, their feet afforded more security to the Numidians than their swords.

Chapter 75

In consequence of this defeat, Jugurtha, feeling less confidence in the state of his affairs than ever, retreated with the deserters, and part of his cavalry, first into the deserts, and afterward to Thala, a large and opulent city, where lay the greater portion of his treasures, and where there was magnificent provision for the education of his children. When Metellus was informed of this, although he knew that there was, between Thala and the nearest river, a dry and desert region fifty miles broad, yet, in the hope of finishing the war if he should gain possession of the town, he resolved to surmount all difficulties, and to conquer even Nature herself. He gave orders that the beasts of burden, therefore, should be lightened of all the baggage excepting ten days' provision; and that they should be laden with skins and other utensils for holding water. He also collected from the fields as many laboring cattle as he could find, and loaded them with vessels of all sorts, but chiefly wooden, taken from the cottages of the Numidians. He directed such of the neighboring people, too, as had submitted to him after the retreat of Jugurtha, to bring him as much water as they could carry, appointing a time and a place for them to be in attendance. He then loaded his beasts from the river, which, as I have intimated, was the nearest water to the town, and, thus provided, set out for Thala.

When he came to the place at which he had desired the Numidians to meet him, and had pitched and fortified his camp, so copious a fall of rain is said to have happened, as would have furnished more than sufficient water for his whole army. Provisions, too, were brought him far beyond his expectations; for the Numidians, like most people after a recent surrender, had done more than was required of them. The men, however, from a religious feeling, preferred using the rain-water; the fall of which greatly increased their courage, for they thought themselves the peculiar care of the gods. On the next day, to the surprise of Jugurtha, they arrived at Thala. The inhabitants, who thought themselves secured by the difficulties of the approach to them, were astonished at so strange and unexpected a sight, but, nevertheless, prepared for their defense. Our men showed equal alacrity on their side.

Chapter 76

But Jugurtha himself, believing that to Metellus, who, by his exertions, had triumphed over every obstacle, over arms, deserts, seasons, and finally over Nature herself that controls all, nothing was impossible, fled with his children, and a great portion of his treasure, from the city during the night. Nor did he ever, after this time, continue more than one day or night in any place; pretending to be hurried away by business, but in reality dreading treachery, which he thought he might escape by change of residence, as schemes of such a kind are the result of leisure and opportunity.

Metellus, seeing that the people of Thala were determined on resistance, and that the town was defended both by art and situation, surrounded the walls with a rampart and a trench. He then directed his machines against the most eligible points, threw up a mound, and erected towers upon it to protect the works and the workmen. The townsmen, on the other hand, were exceedingly active and diligent; and nothing was neglected on either side. At last the Romans, though exhausted with much previous fatigue and fighting, got possession, forty days after their arrival, of the town, and the town only; for all the spoil had been destroyed by the deserters; who, when they saw the walls shaken by the battering-ram, and their own situation desperate, had conveyed the gold and silver, and whatever else is esteemed valuable, to the royal palace, where, after being sated with wine and luxuries, they destroyed the treasures, the building, and themselves, by fire, and thus voluntarily submitted to the sufferings which, in case of being conquered, they dreaded at the hands of the enemy.

Chapter 77

At the very time that Thala was taken, there came to Metellus embassadors from the city of Leptis, requesting him to send them a garrison and a governor; saying "that a certain Hamilcar, a man of rank, and of a factious disposition, against whom the magistrates and the laws were alike powerless, was trying to induce them to change sides; and that unless he attended to the matter promptly, their own safety," and the allies of Rome, would be in the utmost danger." For the people at Leptis, at the very commencement of the war with Jugurtha, had sent to the consul Bestia, and afterward to Rome, desiring to be admitted into friendship and alliance with us. Having been granted their request, they continued true and faithful adherents to us, and promptly executed all orders from Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus. They therefore readily obtained from the general the aid which they solicited; and four cohorts of Ligurians were dispatched to Leptis, with Caius Annius to be governor of the place.

Chapter 78

This city was built by a party of Sidonians, who, as I have understood, being driven from their country through civil dissensions, came by sea into those parts of Africa. It is situated between the two Syrtes, which take their name from their nature. These are two gulfs almost at the extremity of Africa, of unequal size, but of similar character. Those parts of them next to the land are very deep; the other parts some-times deep and sometimes shallow, as chance may direct; for when the sea swells, and is agitated by the winds, the waves roll along with them mud, sand, and huge stones; and thus the appearance of the gulfs changes with the direction of the wind.

Of this people, the language alone has been altered by their intermarriages with the Numidians; their laws and customs continue for the most part Sidonian; which they have preserved with the greater case, through living at so great a distance from the king's dominions. Between them and the populous parts of Numidia lie vast and uncultivated deserts.

Chapter 79

Since the affairs of Leptis have led me into these regions, it will not be foreign to my subject to relate the noble and singular act of two Carthaginians, which the place has brought to my recollection.

At the time when the Carthaginians were masters of the greater part of Africa, the Cyrenians were also a great and powerful people. The territory that lay betweem them was sandy, and of a uniform appearance, without a stream or a hill to determine their respective boundaries; a circumstance which involved them in a severe and protracted war. After armies and fleets had been routed and put to flight on both sides, and each people had greatly weakened their opponents, fearing lest some third party should attack both victors and vanquished in a state of exhaustion, they came to an agreement, during a short cessation of arms, "that on a certain day deputies should leave home on either side, and that the spot where they should meet should be the common boundary between the two states." From Carthage, accordingly, were dispatched two brothers, who were named Philæni, and who traveled with great expedition. The deputies of the Cyrenians proceeded more slowly; but whether from indolence or accident I have not been informed. However, a storm of wind in these deserts will cause obstruction to passengers not less than at sea; for when a violent blast, sweeping over a level surface devoid of vegetation, raises the sand from the ground, it is driven onward with great force, and fills the mouth and eyes of the traveler, and thus, by hindering his view, retards his progress. The Cyranian deputies, finding that they had lost ground, and dreading punishment at home for their mismanagement, accused the Carthaginians of having left home before the time; quarreling about the matter, and preferring to do any thing rather than submit. The Philæni, upon this, asked them to name any other mode of settling the controversy, provided it were equitable; and the Cyrenians gave them their choice, " either that they should be buried alive in the spot which they claimed as the boundary for their people, or that they themselves, on the same conditions, should be allowed to go forward to whatever point they should think proper." The Philæni, having accepted the conditions, sacrificed themselves to the interest of their country, and were interred alive. The people of Carthage consecrated altars to the brothers on the spot; and other honors were instituted to them at home. I now return to my subject.

Chapter 80

After the loss of Thala, Jugurtha, thinking no place sufficiently secure against Metellus, fled with a few followers into the country of the Getulians, a people savage and uncivilized, and, at that period, unacquainted with even the name of Rome. Of these barbarians he collected a great multitude, and trained them by degrees to march in ranks, to follow standards, to obey the word of command, and to perform other military exercises. He also gained over to his interest, by large presents and larger promises, the intimate friends of king Bocchus, and working upon the king by their means, induced him to commence war against the Romans. This was the more practicable and easy, because Bocchus, at the commencement of hostilities with Jugurtha, had sent an embassy to Rome to solicit friendship and allliance; but a faction, blinded by avarice, and accustomed to sell their votes on every question honorable or dishonorable, had caused his advances to be rejected, though they were of the highest consequence to the war recently begun. A daughter of Bocchus, too, was married to Jugurtha, but such a connection, among the Numidians and Moors, is but lightly regarded; for every man has as many wives as he pleases, in proportion to his ability to maintain them; some ten, others more, but the kings most of all. Thus the affection of the husband is divided among a multitude; no one of them becomes a companion to him, but all are equally neglected.

Chapter 81

The two kings, with their armies, met in a place settled by mutual agreement, where, after pledges of amity were given and received, Jugurtha inflamed the mind of Bocchus by observing " that the Romans were a lawless people, of insatiable covetousness, and the common enemies of mankind; that they had the same motive for making war on Bocchus as on himself and other nations, the lust of dominion; that all independent states were objects of hatred to them; at present, for instance, himself; a little before, the Carthaginians had been so, as well as king Perses; and that, in future, as any sovereign became conspicuous for his power, so would he assuredly be treated as an enemy by the Romans."

Induced by these and similar considerations, they determined to march against Cirta, where Metellus had deposited his plunder, prisoners, and baggage. Jugurtha supposed that, if he took the city, there would be ample recompense for his exertions; or that, if the Roman general came to succor his adherents, he would have the opportunity of engaging him in the field. He also hastened this movement from policy, to lessen Bocchus's chance of peace; lest, if delay should be allowed, he should decide upon something different from war.

Chapter 82

Metellus, when he heard of the confederacy of the kings, did not rashly, or in every place, give opportunities of fighting, as he had been used to do since Jugurtha had been so often defeated, but, fortifying his camp, awaited the approach of the kings at no great distance from Cirta; thinking it better, when he should have learned something of the Moors, as they were new enemies in the field, to give battle on an advantage.

In the mean time he was informed, by letters from Rome, that the province of Numidia was assigned to Marius, of whose election to the consulship he had already heard.

Being affected at these occurrences beyond what was proper and decorous, he could neither restrain his tears nor govern his tongue; for though he was a man eminent in other respects, he had too little firmness in bearing trouble of mind. His irritation was by some imputed to pride; others said that a noble spirit was wounded by insult; many thought him chagrined because victory, just attained, was snatched from his grasp. But to me it is well known that he was more troubled at the honor bestowed on Marius than at the injustice done to himself; and that he would have shown much less uneasiness if the province of which he was deprived had been given to any other than Marius.

Chapter 83

Discouraged, therefore, by such a mortification, and thinking it folly to promote another man's success at his own hazard, he sent deputies to Bocchus, entreating him " not to become an enemy to the Romans without cause ;" and observing " that he had a fine opportunity of entering into friendship and alliance with them, which were far preferable to war; that though he might have confidence in his resources, he ought not to change certainties for uncertainties; that a war was easily begun, but discontinued with difficulty; that its commencement and conclusion were not dependent on the same party; that any one, even a coward, might commence hostilities, but that they could be broken off only when the conqueror thought proper; and that he should therefore consult for his interest and that of his kingdom, and not connect his own prosperous circumstances with the ruined fortunes of Jugurtha." To these representations the king mildly answered, "that he desired peace, but felt compassion for the condition of Jugurtha, to whom if similar proposals were made, all would easily be arranged." Metellus, in reply to this request of Bocchus, sent deputies with overtures, of which the king approved some, and rejected others. Thus, in sending messengers to and fro, the time passed away, and the war, according to the consul's desire, was protracted without being advanced.

Chapter 84

Marius, who, as I said before, had been made consul with great eagerness on the part of the populace, began, though he had always been hostile to the patricians, to inveigh against them, after the people gave him the province of Numidia, with great frequency and violence; he attacked them sometimes individually and sometimes in a body; he said that he had snatched from them the consulship as spoils from vanquished enemies; and uttered other remarks laudatory to himself and offensive to them. Meanwhile he made the provision for the war his chief object; he asked for reinforcements for the legions; he sent for auxiliaries from foreign states, kings, and allies; he also enlisted all the bravest men from Latium, most of whom were known to him by actual service, some few only by report, and induced, by earnest solicitation, even discharged veterans to accompany him. Nor did the senate, though adverse to him, dare to refuse him any thing; the additions to the legions they had voted even with eagerness, because military service was thought to be unpopular with the multitude, and Marius seemed likely to lose either the means of warfare, or the favor of the people. But such expectations were entertained in vain, so ardent was the desire of going with Marius that had seized on almost all. Every one cherished the fancy that he should return home laden with spoil, crowned with victory, or attended with some similar good fortune. Marius himself, too, had excited them in no small degree by a speech; for, when all that he required was granted, and he was anxious to commence a levy, he called an assembly of the people, as well to encourage them to enlist, as to inveigh, according to his practice, against the nobility. He spoke, on the occasion, as follows:

Chapter 85

"I am aware, my fellow-citizens, that most men do not appear as candidates before you for an office, and conduct themselves in it when they have obtained it, under the same character; that they are at first industrious, humble, and modest, but afterward lead a life of indolence and arrogance. But to me it appears that the contrary should be the case; for as the whole state is of greater consequence than the single office of consulate or prætorship, so its interests ought to be managed with greater solicitude than these magistracies are sought. Nor am I insensible how great a weight of business I am, through your kindness, called upon to sustain. To make preparations for war, and yet to be sparing of the treasury; to press those into the service whom I am unwilling to offend; to direct every thing at home and abroad; and to discharge these duties when surrounded by the envious, the hostile, and the factious, is more difficult, my fellow-citizens, than is generally imagined. In addition to this, if others fail in their undertakings, their ancient rank, the heroic actions of their ancestors, the power of their relatives and connections, their numerous dependents, are all at hand to support them; but as for me, my whole hopes rest upon myself, which I must sustain by good conduct and integrity; for all other means are unavailing.

"I am sensible, too, my fellow-citizens, that the eyes of all men are turned upon me; that the just and good favor me, as my services are beneficial to the state, but that the nobility seek occasion to attack me. I must therefore use the greater exertion, that you may not be deceived in me, and that their views may be rendered abortive. I have led such a life, indeed, from my boyhood to the present hour, that I am familiar with every kind of toil and danger; and that exertion, which, before your kindness to me, I practiced gratuitously, it is not my intention to relax after having received my reward. For those who have pretended to be men of worth only to secure their election, it may be difficult to conduct themselves properly in office; but to me, who have passed my whole life in the most honorable occupations, to act well has from habit become nature.

" You have commanded me to carry on the war against Jugurtha; a commission at which the nobility are highly offended. Consider with yourselves, I pray you, whether it would be a change for the better, if you were to send to this, or to any other such appointment, one of yonder crowd of nobles, a man of ancient family, of innumerable statues, and of no military experience; in order, forsooth, that in so important an office, and being ignorant of every thing connected with it, he may exhibit hurry and trepidation, and select one of the people to instruct him in his duty. For so it generally happens, that he whom you have chosen to direct, seeks another to direct him. I know some, my fellow-citizens, who, after they have been elected consuls, have begun to read the acts of their ancestors, and the military precepts of the Greeks; persons who invert the order of things ; for though to discharge the duties of the office" is posterior, in point of time, to election, it is, in reality and practical importance, prior to it.

" Compare now, my fellow-citizens, me, who am a new man, with those haughty nobles. What they have but heard or read, I have witnessed or performed. What they have learned from books, I have acquired in the field; and whether deeds or words are of greater estimation, it is for you to consider. They despise my humbleness of birth; I contemn their imbecility. My condition is made an objection to me; their misconduct is a reproach to them. The circumstance of birth, indeed, I consider as one and the same to all; but think that he who best exerts himself is the noblest. And could it be inquired of the fathers, of Albinus and Bestia, whether they would rather be the parents of them or of me, what do you suppose that they would answer, but that they would wish the most deserving to be their offspring ? If the patricians justly despise me, let them also despise their own ancestors, whose nobility, like mine, had its origin in merit. They envy me the honor that I have received; let them also envy me the toils, the abstinence, and the perils, by which I obtained that honor. But they, men eaten up with pride, live as if they disdained all the distinctions that you can bestow, and yet sue for those distinctions as if they had lived so as to merit them. Yet those are assuredly deceived, who expect to enjoy, at the same time, things so incompatible as the pleasures of indolence and the rewards of honorable exertion.

" When they speak before you, or in the senate, they occupy the greatest part of their orations in extolling their ancestors; for, they suppose that, by recounting the heroic deeds of their forefathers, they render themselves more illustrious. But the reverse of this is the case; for the more glorious were the lives of their ancestors, the more scandalous is their own inaction. The truth, indeed, is plainly this, that the glory of ancestors sheds a light on their posterity, which suffers neither their virtues nor their vices to be concealed. Of this light, my fellow-citizens, I have no share; but I have, what confers much more distinction, the power of relating my own actions. Consider, then, how unreasonable they are; what they claim to themselves for the merit of others, they will not grant to me for my own; alleging, forsooth, that I have no statues, and that my distinction is newly-acquired; but it is surely better to have acquired such distinction myself than to bring disgrace on that received from others.

"I am not ignorant, that, if they were inclined to reply to me, they would make an abundant display of eloquent and artful language. Yet, since they attack both you and myself, on occasion of the great favor which you have conferred upon me, I did not think proper to be silent before them, lest any one should construe my forbearance into a consciousness of demerit. As for myself, indeed, nothing that is said of me, I feel assured, can do me injury; for what is true, must of necessity speak in my favor; what is false, my life and character will refute. But since your judgment, in bestowing on me so distinguished an honor and so important a trust, is called in question, consider, I beseech you, again and again, whether you are likely to repent of what you have done. I can not, to raise your confidence in me, boast of the statues, or triumphs, or consulships of my ancestors; but, if it be thought necessary, I can show you spears, a banner, caparisons for horses, and other military rewards; besides the scars of wounds on my breast. These are my statues; this is my nobility; honors, not left, like theirs, by inheritance, but acquired amid innumerable toils and dangers.

"My speech, they say, is inelegant; but that I have ever thought of little importance. Worth sufficiently displays itself; it is for my detractors to use studied language, that they may palliate base conduct by plausible words. Nor have I learned Greek; for I had no wish to acquire a tongue that adds nothing to the valor of those who teach it. But I have gained other accomplishments, such as are of the utmost benefit to a state; I have learned to strike down an enemy; to be vigilant at my post; to fear nothing but dishonor; to bear cold and heat with equal endurance; to sleep on the ground; and to sustain at the same time hunger and fatigue. And with such rules of conduct I shall stimulate my soldiers, not treating them with rigor and myself with indulgence, nor making their toils my glory. Such a mode of commanding is at once useful to the state, and becoming to a citizen. For to coerce your troops with severity, while you yourself live at ease, is to be a tyrant, not a general.

"It was by conduct such as this, my fellow-citizens, that your ancestors made themselves and the republic renowned. Our nobility, relying on their forefathers' merits, though totally different from them in conduct, disparage us who emulate their virtues; and demand of you every public honor, as due, not to their personal merit, but to their high rank. Arrogant pretenders, and utterly unreasonable ! For though their ancestors left them all that was at their disposal, their riches, their statues, and their glorious names, they left them not, nor could leave them, their virtue; which alone, of all their possessions, could neither be communicated nor received.

" They reproach me as being mean, and of unpolished manners, because, forsooth, I have but little skill in arranging an entertainment, and keep no actor, nor give my cook higher wages than my steward; all which charges I must, indeed, acknowledge to be just; for I learned from my father, and other venerable characters, that vain indulgences belong to women, and labor to men; that glory, rather than wealth, should be the object of the virtuous; and that arms and armor, not household furniture, are marks of honor. But let the nobility, if they please, pursue what is delightful and dear to them; let them devote themselves to licentiousness and luxury; let them pass their age as they have passed their youth, in revelry and feasting, the slaves of gluttony and debauchery; but let them leave the toil and dust of the field, and other such matters, to us, to whom they are more grateful than banquets. This, however, they will not do; for when these most infamous of men have disgraced themselves by every species of turpitude, they proceed to claim the distinctions due to the most honorable. Thus it most unjustly happens that luxury and indolence, the most disgraceful of vices, are harmless to those who indulge in them, and fatal only to the innocent commonwealth.

"As I have now replied to my calumniators, as far as my own character required, though not so fully as their flagitiousness deserved, I shall add a few words on the state of public affairs. In the first place, my fellow-citizens, be of good courage with regard to Numidia; for all that hitherto protected Jugurtha, avarice, inexperience, and arrogance, you have entirely removed. There is an army in it, too, which is well acquainted with the country, though, assuredly, more brave than fortunate; for a great part of it has been destroyed by the avarice or rashness of its commanders. Such of you, then, as are of military age, co-operate with me, and support the cause of your country; and let no discouragement, from the ill-fortune of others, or the arrogance of the late commanders, affect any one of you. I myself shall be with you, both on the march and in the battle, both to direct your movements and to share your dangers. I shall treat you and myself on every occasion alike; and, doubtless, with the aid of the gods, all good things, victory, spoil, and glory, are ready to our hands; though, even if they were doubtful or distant, it would still become every able citizen to act in defense of his country. For no man, by slothful timidity, has escaped the lot of mortals; nor has any parent wished for his children that they might live forever, but rather that they might act in life with virtue and honor. I would add more, my fellow-citizens, if words could give courage to the faint-hearted; to the brave I think that I have said enough."

Chapter 86

After having spoken to this effect, Marius, when he found that the minds of the populace were excited, immediately freighted vessels with provisions, pay, arms, and other necessaries, and ordered Aulus Manlius, his lieutenant-general, to set sail with them. He himself, in the mean time, proceeded to enlist soldiers, not after the ancient method, or from the classes, but taking all that were willing to join him, and the greater part from the lowest ranks. Some said that this was done from a scarcity of better men, and others from the consul's desire to pay court to the poorer class, because it was by that order of men that he had been honored and promoted; and, indeed, to a man grasping at power, the most needy are the most serviceable, persons to whom their property (as they have none) is not an object of care, and to whom every thing lucrative appears honorable. Setting out, accordingly, for Africa, with a somewhat larger force than had been decreed, he arrived in a few days at Utica. The command of the army was resigned to him by Publius Rutilius, Metullus's lieutenant-general; for Metullus himself avoided the sight of Marius, that he might not see what he could not even endure to hear mentioned.

Chapter 87

Marius, having filled up his legions and auxiliary cohorts, marched into a part of the country which was fertile and abundant in spoil, where, whatever he captured, he gave up to his soldiers. He then attacked such fortresses or towns as were ill defended by nature or with troops, and ventured on several engagements, though only of a light character, in different places. The new recruits, in process of time, began to join in an encounter without fear; they saw that such as fled were taken prisoners or slain; that the bravest were the safest; that liberty, their country, and parents, are defended, and glory and riches acquired, by arms. Thus the new and old troops soon became as one body, and the courage of all was rendered equal.

The two kings, when they heard of the approach of Marius, retreated, by separate routes, into parts that were difficult of access; a plan which had been proposed by Jugurtha, who hoped that, in a short time, the enemy might be attacked when dispersed over the country, supposing that the Roman soldiers, like the generality of troops, would be less careful and observant of discipline when the fear of danger was removed.

Chapter 88

Metellus, meanwhile, having taken his departure for Rome, was received there, contrary to his expectation, with the greatest feelings of joy, being equally welcomed, since public prejudice had subsided, by both the people and the patricians.

Marius continued to attend, with equal activity and prudence, to his own affairs and those of the enemy. He observed what would be advantageous, or the contrary, to either party; he watched the movements of the kings, counteracted their intentions and stratagems, and allowed no remissness in his own army, and no security in that of the enemy. He accordingly attacked and dispersed, on several occasions, the Getulians and Jugurtha on their march, as they were carrying off spoil from our allies ; and he obliged the king himself, near the town of Cirta, to take flight without his arms. But finding that such enterprises merely gained him honor, without tending to terminate the war, he resolved on investing, one after another, all the cities, which, by the strength of their garrisons or situation, were best suited either to support the enemy, or to resist himself; so that Jugurtha would either be deprived of his fortresses, if he suffered them to be taken, or be forced to come to an engagement in their defense. As to Bocchus, he had frequently sent messengers to Marius, saying that he desired the friendship of the Roman people, and that the consul need fear no act of hostility from him. But whether he merely dissembled, with a view to attack us unexpectedly with greater effect, or whether, from fickleness of disposition he habitually wavered between war and peace, was never fairly ascertained.

Chapter 89

Marius, as he had determined, proceeded to attack the fortified towns and places of strength, and to detach them, partly by force, and partly by threats or offers of reward, from the enemy. His operations in this way, however, were at first but moderate; for he expected that Jugurtha, to protect his subjects, would soon come to an engagement. But finding that he kept at a distance, and was intent on other affairs, he thought it was time to enter upon something of greater importance and difficulty. Amid the vast deserts there lay a great and strong city, named Capsa, the founder of which is said to have been the Libyan Hercules. Its inhabitants were exempted from taxes by Jugurtha, and under mild government, and were consequently regarded as the most faithful of his subjects. They were defended against enemies, not only by walls, magazines of arms, and bodies of troops, but still more by the difficulty of approaching them; for, except the parts adjoining the walls, all the surrounding country is waste and uncultivated, destitute of water, and infested with serpents, whose fierceness, like that of other wild animals, is aggravated by want of food; while the venom of such reptiles, deadly in itself, is exacerbated by nothing so much as by thirst. Of this place Marius conceived a strong desire to make himself master, not only from its importance for the war, but because its capture seemed an enterprise of difficulty; for Metellus had gained great glory by taking Thala, a town similarly situated and fortified; except that at Thala there were several springs near the walls, while the people of Capsa had only one running stream, and that within the town, all the water which they used beside being rain-water. But this scarcity, both here and in other parts of Africa, where the people live rudely and remote from the sea, was endured with the greater ease, as the inhabitants subsist mostly on milk and wild beasts' flesh, and use no salt, or other provocatives of appetite, their food being merely to satisfy hunger or thirst, and not to encourage luxury or excess.

Chapter 90

The consul, having made all necessary investigations, and relying, I suppose, on the gods (for against such difficulties he could not well provide by his own forethought, as he was also straitened for want of corn, because the Numidians apply more to pasturage than agriculture, and had conveyed, by the king's order, whatever corn had been raised into fortified places, while the ground at the time, it being the end of summer, was parched and destitute of vegetation), yet, under the circumstances, conducted his arrangements with great prudence. All the cattle, which had been taken for some days previous, he consigned to the care of the auxiliary cavalry; and directed Aulus Manlius, his lieutenant-general, to proceed with the light-armed cohorts to the town of Lares, where he had deposited provisions and pay for the army, telling him that, after plundering the country, he would join him there in a few days. Having by this means concealed his real design, he proceeded toward the river Tana.

Chapter 91

On his march he distributed daily, to each division of the infantry and cavalry, an equal portion of the cattle, and gave orders that water-bottles should be made of their hides; thus compensating, at once, for the scarcity of corn, and providing, while all remained ignorant of his intention, utensils which would soon be of service. At the end of six days, accordingly, when he arrived at the river, a large number of bottles had been prepared. Having pitched his camp, with a slight fortification, he ordered his men to take refreshment, and to be ready to resume their march at sunset; and, having laid aside all their baggage, to load themselves and their beasts only with water. As soon as it seemed time, he quitted the camp, and, after marching the whole night, encamped again. The same course he pursued on the following night, and on the third, long before dawn, he reached a hilly spot of ground, not more than two miles distant from Capsa, where he waited, as secretly as possible, with his whole force. But when daylight appeared, and many of the Numidians, having no apprehensions of an enemy, went forth out of the town, he suddenly ordered all the cavalry, and with them the lightest of the infantry, to hasten forward to Capsa, and secure the gates. He himself immediately followed, with the utmost ardor, restraining his men from plunder.

When the inhabitants perceived that the place was surprised, their state of consternation and extreme dread, the suddenness of the calamity, and the consideration that many of their fellow-citizens were without the walls in the power of the enemy, compelled them to surrender. The town, however, was burned; of the Numidians, such as were of adult age, were put to the sword; the rest were sold, and the spoil divided among the soldiers. This severity, in violation of the usages of war, was not adopted from avarice or cruelty in the consul, but was exercised because the place was of great advantage to Jugurtha, and difficult of access to us, while the inhabitants were a fickle and faithless race, to be influenced neither by kindness nor by terror.

Chapter 92

When Marius had achieved so important an enterprise, without any loss to his troops, he who was great and honored before became still greater and still more honored. All his undertakings, however ill-concerted, were regarded as proofs of superior ability; his soldiers, kept under mild discipline, and enriched with spoil, extolled him to the skies; the Numidians dreaded him as some thing more than human; and all, indeed, allies as well as enemies, believed that he was either possessed of supernatural power, or had all things directed for him by the will of the gods.

After his success in this attempt, he proceeded against other towns; a few, where they offered resistance, he took by force; a greater number, deserted in consequence of the wretched fate of Capsa, he destroyed by fire; and the whole country was filled with mourning and slaughter.

Having at length gained possession of many places, and most of them without loss to his army, he turned his thoughts to another enterprise, which, though not of the same desperate character as that at Capsa, was yet not less difficult of execution. Not far from the river Mulucha, which divided the kingdoms of Jugurtha and Bocchus, there stood, in the midst of a plain, a rocky hill, sufficiently broad at the top for a small fort; it rose to a vast height, and had but one narrow ascent left open, the whole of it being as steep by nature as it could have been rendered by labor and art. This place, as there were treasures of the king in it, Marius directed his utmost efforts to take. But his views were furthered more by fortune than by his own contrivance. In the fortress there were plenty of men and arms for its defense, as well as an abundant store of provisions, and a spring of water; while its situation was unfavorable for raising mounds, towers, and other works; and the road to it, used by its inhabitants, was extremely steep, with a precipice on either side. The vineæ were brought up with great danger, and without effect; for, before they were advanced any considerable distance, they were destroyed with fire or stones. And from the difficulties of the ground, the soldiers could neither stand in front of the works, nor act among the vineæ, without danger; the boldest of them were killed or wounded, and the fear of the rest increased.

Chapter 93

Marius having thus wasted much time and labor, began seriously to consider whether he should abandon the attempt as impracticable, or wait for the aid of Fortune, whom he had so often found favorable. While he was revolving the matter in his mind, during several days and nights, in a state of much doubt and perplexity, it happened that a certain Ligurian, a private soldier in the auxiliary cohorts, having gone out of the camp to fetch water, observed, near that part of the fort which was furthest from the besiegers, some snails crawling among the rocks, of which, when he had picked up one or two, and afterward more, he gradually proceeded, in his eagerness for collecting them, almost to the top of the hill. When he found this part deserted, a desire, incident to the human mind, of seeing what he had never seen, took violent possession of him. A large oak chanced to grow out among the rocks, at first, for a short distance, horizontally, and then, as nature directs all vegetables, turning and shooting upward. Raising himself sometimes on the boughs of this tree, and sometimes on the projecting rocks, the Ligurian, as all the Numidians were intently watching the besiegers, took a full survey of the platform of the fortress. Having observed whatever he thought it would afterward prove useful to know, he descended the same way, rot unobservantly, as he had gone up, but exploring and noticing all the peculiarities of the path. He then hastened to Marius, acquainted him with what he had done, and urged him to attack the fort on that side where he had ascended, offering himself to lead the way and the attempt. Marius sent some of those about him, along with the Ligurian, to examine the practicability of his proposal, who, according to their several dispositions, reported the affair as difficult or easy. The consul's hopes, however, were somewhat encouraged; and he accordingly selected, from his band of trumpeters and bugle-men, five of the most nimble, and with them four centurions for a guard; all of whom he directed to obey the Ligurian, appointing the next day for commencing the experiment.

Chapter 94

When, according to their instructions, it seemed time to set out, the Ligurian, after preparing and arranging every thing, proceeded to the place of ascent. Those who commanded the centuries, being previously instructed by the guide, had changed their arms and dress, having their heads and feet bare, that their view upward, and their progress among the rocks, might be less impeded; their swords were slung behind them, as well as their shields, which were Numidian, and made of leather, both for the sake of lightness, and in order that, if struck against any object, they might make less noise. The Ligurian went first, and tied to the rocks, and whatever roots of trees projected through age, a number of ropes, by which the soldiers supporting themselves might climb with the greatest ease. Such as were timorous, from the extraordinary nature of the path, he sometimes pulled up by the hand; when the ascent was extremely rugged, he sent them on singly before him without their arms, which he then carried up after them; whatever parts appeared unsafe, he first tried them himself, and, by going up and down repeatedly in the same place, and then standing aside, he inspired the rest with courage to proceed. At length, after uninterrupted and harassing exertion they reached the fortress, which, on that side, was undefended, for all the occupants, as on other days, were intent on the enemy in the opposite quarter.

Though Marius had kept the attention of the Numidians, during the whole day, fixed on his attacks, yet, when he heard from his scouts how the Ligurian had succeeded, he animated his soldiers to fresh exertions, and he himself, advancing beyond the vineæ, and causing a testudo to be formed, came up close under the walls, annoying the enemy, at the same time, with his engines, archers, and slingers, from a distance.

But the Numidians, having often before overturned and burned the vineæ of the Romans, no longer confined themselves within the fortress, but spent day and night before the walls, railing at the Romans, upbraiding Marius with madness, threatening our soldiers with being made slaves to Jugurtha, and exhibiting the utmost audacity on account of their successful defense. In the mean time, while both the Romans and Numidians were engaged in the struggle, the one side contending for glory and dominion, the other for their very existence, the trumpets suddenly sounded a blast in the rear of the enemy, at which the women and children, who had gone out to view the contest, were the first to flee; next those who were nearest to the wall, and at length the whole of the Numidians, armed and unarmed, retreated within the fort. When this had happened, the Romans pressed upon the enemy with increased boldness, dispersing them, and at first only wounding the greater part, but afterward making their way over the bodies of those who fell, thirsting for glory, and striving who should be first to reach the wall; not a single individual being detained by the plunder. Thus the rashness of Marius, rendered successful by fortune, procured him renown from his very error.

Chapter 95

During the progress of this affair, Lucius Sylla, Marius's quæstor, arrived in the camp with a numerous body of cavalry, which he had been left at Rome to raise among the Latins and allies.

Of so eminent a man, since my subject brings him to my notice, I think it proper to give a brief account of the character and manners; for I shall in no other place allude to his affairs; and Lucius Sisenna, who has treated that subject the most ably and accurately of all writers, seems to me to have spoken with too little freedom. Sylla, then, was of patrician descent, but of a family almost sunk in obscurity by the degeneracy of his forefathers. He was skilled, equally and profoundly, in Greek and Roman literature. He was a man of large mind, fond of pleasure, but fonder of glory. His leisure was spent in luxurious gratifications, but pleasure never kept him from his duties, except that he might have acted more for his honor with regard to his wife. He was eloquent and subtle, and lived on the easiest terms with his friends. His depth of thought in disguising his intentions, was incredible; he was liberal of most things, but especially of money. And though he was the most fortunate of all men before his victory in the civil war, yet his fortune was never beyond his desert; and many have expressed a doubt whether his success or his merit were the greater. As to his subsequent acts, I know not whether more of shame or of regret must be felt at the recital of them.

Chapter 96

When Sylla came with his cavalry into Africa, as has just been stated, and arrived at the camp of Marius, though he had hitherto been unskilled and undisciplined in the art of war, he became, in a short time, the most expert of the whole army. He was besides affable to the soldiers; he conferred favors on many at their request, and on others of his own accord, and was reluctant to receive any in return. But he repaid other obligations more readily than those of a pecuniary nature; he himself demanded repayment from no one; but rather made it his object that as many as possible should be indebted to him. He conversed, jocosely as well as seriously, with the humblest of the soldiers; he was their frequent companion at their works, on the march, and on guard. Nor did he ever, as is usual with depraved ambition, attempt to injure the character of the consul, or of any deserving person. His sole aim, whether in the council or the field, was to suffer none to excel him; to most he was superior. By such conduct he soon became a favorite both with Marius and with the army.

Chapter 97

Jugurtha, after he had lost the city of Capsa, and other strong and important places, as well as a vast sum of money, dispatched messengers to Bocchus, requesting him to bring his forces into Numidia as soon as possible, and stating that the time for giving battle was at hand. But finding that he hesitated, and was balancing the inducements to peace and war, he again corrupted his confidants, as on a previous occasion, with presents, and promised the Moor himself a third part of Numidia, should either the Romans be driven from Africa, or the war brought to an end without any diminution of his own territories. Being allured by this offer, Bocchus joined Jugurtha with a large force.

The armies of the kings being thus united, they attacked Marius, on his march to his winter quarters, when scarcely a tenth part of the day remained, expecting that the night, which was now coming on, would be a shelter to them if they were beaten, and no impediment if they should conquer, as they were well acquainted with the country, while either result would be worse for the Romans in the dark. At the very moment, accordingly, that Marius heard from various quarters of the enemy's approach, the enemy themselves were upon him, and before the troops could either form themselves or collect the baggage, before they could receive even a signal or an order, the Moorish and Getulian horse, not in line, or any regular array of battle, but in separate bodies, as chance had united them, rushed furiously on our men; who, though all struck with a panic, yet, calling to mind what they had done on former occasions, either seized their arms, or protected those who were looking for theirs, while some, springing on their horses, advanced against the enemy. But the whole conflict was more like a rencounter with robbers than a battle; the horse and foot of the enemy, mingled together without standards or order, wounded some of our men, and cut down others, and surprised many in the rear while fighting stoutly with those in front; neither valor nor arms were a sufficient defense, the enemy being superior in numbers, and covering the field on all sides. At last the Roman veterans, who were necessarily well experienced in war, formed themselves, wherever the nature of the ground or chance allowed them to unite, in circular bodies, and thus secured on every side, and regularly drawn up, withstood the attacks of the enemy.

Chapter 98

Marius, in this desperate emergency, was not more alarmed or disheartened than on any previous occasion, but rode about with his troop of cavalry, which he had formed of his bravest soldiers rather than his nearest friends, in every quarter of the field, sometimes supporting his own men when giving way, sometimes charging the enemy where they were thickest, and doing service to his troops with his sword, since, in the general confusion, he was unable to command with his voice.

The day had now closed, yet the barbarians abated nothing of their impetuosity, but, expecting that the night would be in their favor, pressed forward, as their kings had directed them, with increased violence. Marius, in consequence, resolved upon a measure suited to his circumstances, and, that his men might have a place of retreat, took possession of two hills contiguous to each other, on one of which, too small for a camp, there was an abundant spring of water, while the other, being mostly elevated and steep, and requiring little fortification, was suited for his purpose as a place of encampment. He then ordered Sylla, with a body of cavalry, to take his station for the night on the eminence containing the spring, while he himself collected his scattered troops by degrees, the enemy being not less disordered, and led them all at a quick march up the other hill. Thus the kings, obliged by the strength of the Roman position, were deterred from continuing the combat; yet they did not allow their men to withdraw to a distance, but, surrounding both hills with a large force, encamped without any regular order. Having then lighted numerous fires, the barbarians, after their custom, spent most of the night in merriment, exultation, and tumultuous clamor, the kings, elated at having kept their ground, conducting themselves as conquerors. This scene, plainly visible to the Romans, under cover of the night and on the higher ground, afforded great encouragement to them.

Chapter 99

Marius, accordingly, deriving much confidence from the imprudence of the enemy, ordered the strictest possible silence to be kept, not allowing even the trumpets, as was usual, to be sounded when the watches were changed ; and then, when day approached, and the enemy were fatigued and just sinking to sleep, he ordered the sentinels, with the trumpeters of the auxiliary cohorts, cavalry, and legions, to sound all their instruments at once, and the soldiers, at the same time, to raise a shout, and sally forth from the camp upon the enemy. The Moors and Getulians, suddenly roused by the strange and terrible noise, could neither flee, nor take up arms, could neither act, nor provide for their security, so completely had fear, like a stupor, from the uproar and shouting, the absence of support, the charge of our troops, and the tumult and alarm, seized upon them all. The whole of them were consequently routed and put to flight; most of their arms, and military standards, were taken; and more were killed in this than in all former battles, their escape being impeded by sleep and the sudden alarm.

Chapter 100

Marius now continued the route, which he had commenced, toward his winter quarters, which, for the convenience of getting provisions, he had determined to fix in the towns on the coast. He was not, however, rendered careless or presumptuous by his victory, but marched with his army in form of a square, just as if he were in sight of the enemy. Sylla, with his cavalry, was on the right; Aulus Manlius, with the slingers and archers, and Ligurian cohorts, had the command on the left; the tribunes, with the light-armed infantry, the consul had placed in the front and rear. The deserters, whose lives were of little value, and who were well acquainted with the country, observed the route of the enemy. Marius himself, too, as if no other were placed in charge, attended to every thing, went through the whole of the troops, and praised or blamed them according to their desert. He was always armed and on the alert, and obliged his men to imitate his example. He fortified his camp with the same caution with which he marched; stationing cohorts of the legions to watch the gates, and the auxiliary cavalry in front, and others upon the rampart and lines. He went round the posts in person, not from suspicion that his orders would not be observed, but that the labor of the soldiers, shared equally by their general, might be endured by them with cheerfulness. Indeed, Marius, as well at this as at other periods of the war, kept his men to their duty rather by the dread of shame than of severity; a course which many said was adopted from desire of popularity, but some thought it was because he took pleasure in toils to which he had been accustomed from his youth, and in exertions which other men call perfect miseries. The public interest, however, was served with as much efficiency and honor as it could have been under the most rigorous command.

Chapter 101

At length, on the fourth day of his march, when he was not far from the town of Cirta, his scouts suddenly made their appearance from all quarters at once; a circumstance by which the enemy was known to be at hand. But as they came in from different points, and all gave the same account, the consul, doubting in what form to draw up his army, made no alteration in it, but halted where he was, being already prepared for every contingency. Jugurtha's expectations, in consequence, disappointed him; for he had divided his force into four bodies, trusting that one of them, assuredly, would surprise the Romans in the rear. Sylla, meanwhile, with whom they first came in contact, having cheered on his men, charged the Moors, in person and with his officers, with troop after troop of cavalry, in the closest order possible; while the rest of his force, retaining their position, protected themselves against the darts thrown from a distance, and killed such of the enemy as fell into their hands.

While the cavalry was thus engaged, Bocchus, with his infantry, which his son Volux had brought up, and which, from delay on their march, had not been present in the former battle, assailed the Romans in the rear. Marius was at that moment occupied in front, as Jugurtha was there with his largest force, The Numidian king, hearing of the arrival of Bocchus, wheeled secretly about, with a few of his followers, to the infantry, and exclaimed in Latin, which he had learned to speak at Numantia, "that our men were struggling in vain; for that he had just slain Marius with his own hand;" showing, at the same time, his sword besmeared with blood, which he had, indeed, sufficiently stained by vigorously cutting down our infantry. When the soldiers heard this, they felt a shock, though rather at the horror of such an event, than from belief in him who asserted it; the barbarians, on the other hand, assumed fresh courage, and advanced with greater fury on the disheartened Romans, who were just on the point of taking to flight, when Sylla, having routed those to whom he had been opposed, fell upon the Moors in the flank. Bocchus instantly fled. Jugurtha, anxious to support his men, and to secure a victory so nearly won, was surrounded by our cavalry, and all his attendants, right and left, being slain, had to force a way alone, with great difficulty, through the weapons of the enemy. Marius, at the same time, having put to flight the cavalry, came up to support such of his men as he had understood to be giving ground. At last the enemy were defeated in every quarter. The spectacle on the open plains was then frightful; some were pursuing, others fleeing; some were being slain, others captured; men and horses were dashed to the earth; many, who were wounded, could neither flee nor remain at rest, attempting to rise, and instantly falling back; and the whole field, as far as the eye could reach, was strewed with arms and dead bodies, and the intermediate spaces saturated with blood.

Chapter 102

At length the consul, now indisputably victor, arrived at the town of Cirta, whither he had at first intended to go. To this place, on the fifth day after the second defeat of the barbarians, came messengers from Bocchus, who, in the king's name, requested of Marius to send him two persons in whom he had full confidence, as he wished to confer with them on matters concerning both the interest of the Roman people and his own. Marius immediately dispatched Sylla and Aulus Manlius; who, though they went at the king's invitation, thought proper, notwithstanding, to address him first, in the hope of altering his sentiments, if he were unfavorable to peace, or of strengthening his inclination, if he were disposed to it. Sylla, therefore, to whose superiority, not in years but in eloquence, Manlius yielded precedence, spoke to Bocchus briefly as follows:

"It gives us great pleasure, King Bocchus, that the gods have at length induced a man, so eminent as yourself, to prefer peace to war, and no longer to stain your own excellent character by an alliance with Jugurtha, the most infamous of mankind; and to relieve us, at the same time, from the disagreeable necessity of visiting with the same punishment your errors and his crimes. Besides, the Roman people, even from the very infancy of their state, have thought it better to seek friends than slaves, thinking it safer to rule over willing than forced subjects. But to you no friendship can be more suitable than ours; for, in the first place, we are at a distance from you, on which account there will be the less chance of misunderstanding between us, while our good feeling for you will be as strong as if we were near; and, secondly, because, though we have subjects in abundance, yet neither we, nor any other nation, can ever have a sufficiency of friends. Would that such had been your inclination from the first; for then you would assuredly, before this time, have received from the Roman people more benefits than you have now suffered evils. But since Fortune has the chief control in human affairs, and it has pleased her that you should experience our force as well as our favor, now, when she gives you this fair opportunity, embrace it without delay, and complete the course which you have begun. You have many and excellent means of atoning, with great ease, for past errors by future services. Impress this, however, deeply on your mind, that the Roman people are never outdone in acts of kindness; of their power in war you have already sufficient knowledge."

To this address Bocchus made a temperate and courteous reply, offering a few observations, at the same time, in extenuation of his error; and saying " that he had taken arms, not with any hostile feeling, but to defend his own dominions, as part of Numidia, out of which he had forcibly driven Jugurtha, was his by right of conquest, and he could not allow it to be laid waste by Marius; that when he formerly sent embassadors to the Romans, he was refused their friendship; but that he would say nothing more of the past, and would, if Marius gave him permission, send another embassy to the senate." But no sooner was this permission granted, than the purpose of the barbarian was altered by some of his friends, whom Jugurtha, hearing of the mission of Sylla and Manlius, and fearful of what was intended by it, had corrupted with bribes.

Chapter 103

Marius, in the mean time, having settled his army in winter quarters, set out, with the light-armed cohorts and part of the cavalry, into a desert part of the country, to besiege a fortress of Jugurtha's, in which he had placed a garrison consisting wholly of Roman deserters. And now again Bocchus, either from reflecting on what he had suffered in the two engagements, or from being admonished by such of his friends as Jugurtha had not corrupted, selected, out of the whole number of his adherents, five persons of approved integrity and eminent abilities, whom he directed to go, in the first place, to Marius, and afterward to proceed, if Marius gave his consent, as embassadors to Rome, granting them full powers to treat concerning his affairs, and to conclude the war upon any terms whatsoever. These five immediately set out for the Roman winter-quarters, but being beset and spoiled by Getulian robbers on the way, fled, in alarm and ill plight, to Sylla, whom the consul, when he went on his expedition, had left as pro-prætor with the army. Sylla received them, not, as they had deserved, like faithless enemies, but with the greatest ceremony and munificence; from which the barbarians concluded that what was said of Roman avarice was false, and that Sylla, from his generosity, must be their friend. For interested bounty, in those days, was still unknown to many; by whom every man who was liberal was also thought benevolent, and all presents were considered to proceed from kindness. They therefore disclosed to the quæstor their commission from Bocchus, and asked him to be their patron and adviser; extolling, at the same time, the power, integrity, and grandeur of their monarch, and adding whatever they thought likely to promote their objects, or to procure the favor of Sylla. Sylla promised them all that they requested; and, being instructed how to address Marius and the senate, they tarried in the camp about forty days.

Chapter 104

When Marius, having failed in the object of his expedition, returned to Cirta, and was informed of the arrival of the embassadors, he desired both them and Sylla to come to him, together with Lucius Bellienus, the prætor from Utica, and all that were of senatorial rank in any part of the country, with whom he discussed the instructions of Bocchus to his embassadors; to whom permission to proceed to Rome was granted by the consul. In the mean time a truce was asked, a request to which assent was readily expressed by Sylla and the majority; the few, who advocated harsher measures, were men inexperienced in human affairs, which, unstable and fluctuating, are always verging to opposite extremes.

The Moors having obtained all that they desired, three of them started for Rome with Cneius Octavius Rufus, who, as quæstor, had brought pay for the army to Africa; the other two returned to Bocchus, who heard from them, with great pleasure, their account both of other particulars, and especially of the courtesy and attention of Sylla.

To his three embassadors that went to Rome, when, after a deprecatory acknowledgment that their king had been in error, and had been led astray by the treachery of Jugurtha, they solicited for him friendship and alliance, the following answer was given: "The senate and people of Rome are wont to be mindful of both services and injuries; they pardon Bocchus, since he repents of his fault, and will grant him their alliance and friendship when he shall have deserved them."

Chapter 105

When this reply was communicated to Bocchus, he requested Marius, by letter, to send Sylla to him, that, at his discretion, measures might be adopted for their common interest. Sylla was accordingly dispatched, attended with a guard of cavalry, infantry, and Balearic slingers, besides some archers and a Pelignian cohort, who, for the sake of expedition, were furnished with light arms, which, however, protected them, as efficiently as any others, against the light darts of the enemy. As he was on his march, on the fifth day after he set out, Volux, the son of Bocchus, suddenly appeared on the open plain with a body of cavalry, which amounted in reality to not more than a thousand, but which, as they approached in confusion and disorder, presented to Sylla and the rest the appearance of a greater number, and excited apprehensions of hostility. Every one, therefore, prepared himself for action, trying and presenting his arms and weapons; some fear was felt among them, but greater hope, as they were now conquerors, and were only meeting those whom they had often overcome. After a while, however, a party of horse sent forward to reconnoiter, reported, as was the case, that nothing but peace was intended.

Chapter 106

Volux, coming forward, addressed himself to Sylla, saying that he was sent by Bocchus his father to meet and escort him. The two parties accordingly formed a junction, and prosecuted their journey, on that day and the following, without any alarm. But when they had pitched their camp, and evening had set in, Volux came running, with looks of perplexity, to Sylla, and said that he had learned from his scouts that Jugurtha was at hand, entreating and urging him, at the same time, to escape with him privately in the night. Sylla boldly replied, " that he had no fear of Jugurtha, an enemy so often defeated; that he had the utmost confidence in the valor of his troops; and that, even if certain destruction were at hand, he would rather keep his ground, than save, by deserting his followers, a life at best uncertain, and perhaps soon to be lost by disease." Being pressed, however, by Volux, to set forward in the night, he approved of the suggestion, and immediately ordered his men to dispatch their supper, to light as many fires as possible in the camp, and to set out in silence at the first watch.

When they were all fatigued with their march during the night, and Sylla was preparing, at sunrise, to pitch his camp, the Moorish cavalry announced that Jugurtha was encamped about two miles in advance. At this report, great dismay fell upon our men; for they believed themselves betrayed by Volux, and led into an ambuscade. Some exclaimed that they ought to take vengeance on him at once, and not suffer such perfidy to remain unpunished.

Chapter 107

But Sylla, though he had similar thoughts, protected the Moor from violence; exhorting his soldiers to keep up their spirits; and saying, "that a handful of brave men had often fought successfully against a multitude; that the less anxious they were to save their lives in battle, the greater would be their security; and that no man, who had arms in his hands, ought to trust for safety to his unarmed heels, or to turn to the enemy, in however great danger, the defenseless and blind parts of his body." Having then called almighty Jupiter to witness the guilt and perfidy of Bocchus, he ordered Volux, as being an instrument of his father's hostility, to quit the camp.

Volux, with tears in his eyes, entreated him to entertain no such suspicions; declaring " that nothing in the affair had been caused by treachery on his part, but all by the subtilty of Jugurtha, to whom his line of march had become known through his scouts. But as Jugurtha had no great force with him, and as his hopes and resources were dependent on his father Bocchus, he assuredly would not attempt any open violence, when the son of Bocchus would himself be a witness of it. He thought it best for Sylla, therefore, to march boldly through the middle of his camp, and that as for himself, he would either send forward his Moors, or leave them where they were, and accompany Sylla alone." This course, under such circumstances, was adopted; they set forward without delay, and, as they came upon Jugurtha unexpectedly, while he was in doubt and hesitation how to act, they passed without molestation. In a few days afterward, they arrived at the place to which their march was directed.

Chapter 108

There was, at this time, in constant and familiar intercourse with Bocchus, a Numidian named Aspar, who had been sent to him by Jugurtha, when he heard of Sylla's intended interview, in the character of embassador, but secretly to be a spy on the Mauretanian king's proceedings. There was also with him a certain Dabar, son of Massugrada, one of the family of Masinissa, but of inferior birth on the maternal side, as his father was the son of a concubine. Dabar, for his many intellectual endowments, was liked and esteemed by Bocchus, who, having found him faithful on many former occasions, sent him forthwith to Sylla, to say "that he was ready to do whatever the Romans desired; that Sylla himself should appoint the place, day, and hour, for a conference; that he kept all points, which he had settled with him before, inviolate ; and that he was not to fear the presence of Jugurtha's embassador as any restraint on the discussion of their common interests, since, without admitting him, he could have no security against Jugurtha's treachery." I find, however, that it was rather from African duplicity than from the motives which he professed, that Bocchus thus allured both the Romans and Jugurtha with the hopes of peace; that he frequently debated with himself whether he should deliver Jugurtha to the Romans, or Sylla to Jugurtha; and that his inclination swayed him against us, but his fears in our favor.

Chapter 109

Sylla replied, "that he should speak on but few particulars before Aspar, and discuss others at a private meeting, or in the presence of only a few;" dictating, at the same time, what answer should be returned by Bocchus. Afterward, when they met, as Bocchus had desired, Sylla stated, "that he had come, by order of the consul, to inquire whether he would resolve on peace or on war." Bocchus, as he had been previously instructed by Sylla, requested him to come again at the end of ten days, since he had as yet formed no determination, but would at that time give a decisive answer. Both then retired to their respective camps. But when the night was far advanced, Sylla was secretly sent for by Bocchus. At their interview, none but confidential interpreters were admitted on either side, together with Dabar, the messenger between them, a man of honor, and held in esteem by both parties. The king at once commenced thus:

Chapter 110

" I never expected that I, the greatest monarch in this part of the world, and the richest of all whom I know, should ever owe a favor to a private man. Indeed, Sylla, before I knew you, I gave assistance to many who solicited me, and to others without solicitation, and stood in need of no man's assistance. But at this loss of independence, at which others are wont to repine, I am rather inclined to rejoice. It will be a pleasure to me to have once needed your friendship, than which I hold nothing dearer to my heart. Of the sincerity of this assertion you may at once make trial; take my arms, my soldiers, my money, or whatever you please, and use it as your own. But do not suppose, as long as you live, that your kindness to me has been fully requited; my sense of it will always remain undiminished, and you shall, with my knowledge, wish for nothing in vain. For, as I am of opinion, it is less dishonorable to a prince to be conquered in battle than to be surpassed in generosity.

" With respect to your republic, whose interests you are sent to guard, hear briefly what I have to say. I have neither made war upon the Roman people, nor desired that it should be made; I have merely defended my territories with arms against an armed force. But from hostilities, since such is your pleasure, I now desist. Prosecute the war with Jugurtha as you think proper. The river Mulucha, which was the boundary between Miscipsa and me, I shall neither pass myself, nor suffer Jugurtha to come within it. And if you shall ask any thing besides, worthy of me and of yourself, you shall not depart with a refusal."

Chapter 111

To this speech Sylla replied, as far as concerned himself, briefly and modestly; but spoke, with regard to the peace and their common concerns, much more at length. He signified to the king " that the senate and people of Rome, as they had the superiority in the field, would think themselves little obliged by what he promised; that he must do something which would seem more for their interest than his own; and that for this there was now a fair opportunity, since he had Jugurtha in his power, for, if he delivered him to the Romans, they would feel greatly indebted to him, and their friendship and alliance, as well as that part of Numidia which he claimed, would readily be granted him." Bocchus at first refused to listen to the proposal, saying that affinity, the ties of blood, and a solemn league, connected him with Jugurtha; and that he feared, if he acted insincerely, he might alienate the affections of his subjects, by whom Jugurtha was beloved, and the Romans disliked. But at last, after being frequently importuned, his resolution gave way, and he engaged to do every thing in accordance with Sylla's wishes. They then concerted measures for conducting a pretended treaty of peace, of which Jugurtha, weary of war, was extremely desirous. Having settled their plans, they separated.

Chapter 112

On the next day Bocchus sent for Aspar, Jugurtha's envoy, and acquainted him that he had ascertained from Sylla, through Dabar, that the war might be concluded on certain conditions; and that he should therefore make inquiry as to the sentiments of his king. Aspar proceeded with joy to Jugurtha's camp, and having received full instructions from him, returned in haste to Bocchus at the end of eight days, with intelligence "that Jugurtha was eager to do whatever might be required, but that he put little confidence in Marius, as treaties of peace, concluded with Roman generals, had often before proved of no effect; that if Bocchus, however, wished to consult the interests of both, and to have an established peace, he should endeavor to bring all parties together to a conference, as if to settle the conditions, and then deliver Sylla into his hands, for when he had such a man in his power, a treaty would at once be concluded by order of the senate and people of Rome; as a man of high rank, who had fallen into the hands of the enemy, not from want of spirit; but from zeal for the public interest, would not be left in captivity.

Chapter 113

The Moor, after long meditation on these suggestions, at length expressed his assent to them, but whether in pretense or sincerity I have not been able to discover. But the inclinations of kings, as they are violent, are often fickle, and at variance with themselves. At last, after a time and place were fixed for coming to a conference about the treaty, Bocchus addresssed himself at one time to Sylla and at another to the envoy of Jugurtha, treating them with equal affability, and making the same professions to both. Both were in consequence equally delighted, and animated with the fairest expectations. But on the night preceding the day appointed for the conference; the Moor, after first assembling his friends, and then, on a change of mind, dismissing them, is reported to have had many anxious struggles with himself, disturbed alike in his thoughts and his gestures, which, even when he was silent, betrayed the secret agitation of his mind. At last, however, he ordered that Sylla should be sent for, and, according to his desire, laid an ambush for Jugurtha.

As soon as it was day, and intelligence was brought that Jugurtha was at hand, Bocchus, as if to meet him and do him honor, went forth, attended by a few friends, and our quæstor, as far as a little hill, which was full in the view of the men who were placed in ambush. To the same spot came Jugurtha with most of his adherents, unarmed, according to agreement; when immediately, on a signal being given, he was assailed on all sides by those who were lying in wait. The others were cut to pieces, and Jugurtha himself was delivered bound to Sylla, and by him conducted to Marius.

Chapter 114

At this period war was carried on unsuccessfully by our generals Quintus Cæpio and Marcus Manlius, against the Gauls; with the terror of which all Italy was thrown into consternation. Both the Romans of that day, indeed, and their descendants, down to our own times, maintained the opinion that all other nations must yield to their valor, but that they contended with the Gauls, not for glory, but merely in self-defense. But after the war in Numidia was ended, and it was announced that Jugurtha was coming in chains to Rome, Marius, though absent from the city, was created consul, and Gaul decreed to him as his province. On the first of January he triumphed as consul, with great glory. At that time the hopes and dependence of the state were placed on him.

Contents — 67 sections

1. Chapter 1
2. Chapter 2
3. Chapter 3
4. Chapter 6
5. Chapter 8
6. Chapter 10
7. Chapter 11
8. Chapter 12
9. Chapter 14
10. Chapter 15
11. Chapter 17
12. Chapter 18
13. Chapter 20
14. Chapter 23
15. Chapter 25
16. Chapter 26
17. Chapter 27
18. Chapter 28
19. Chapter 30
20. Chapter 31
21. Chapter 32
22. Chapter 35
23. Chapter 37
24. Chapter 39
25. Chapter 40
26. Chapter 41
27. Chapter 43
28. Chapter 44
29. Chapter 46
30. Chapter 47
31. Chapter 48
32. Chapter 49
33. Chapter 54
34. Chapter 55
35. Chapter 56
36. Chapter 58
37. Chapter 59
38. Chapter 60
39. Chapter 61
40. Chapter 63
41. Chapter 66
42. Chapter 68
43. Chapter 70
44. Chapter 73
45. Chapter 75
46. Chapter 77
47. Chapter 78
48. Chapter 79
49. Chapter 80
50. Chapter 82
51. Chapter 84
52. Chapter 85
53. Chapter 86
54. Chapter 88
55. Chapter 92
56. Chapter 95
57. Chapter 97
58. Chapter 100
59. Chapter 101
60. Chapter 103
61. Chapter 104
62. Chapter 105
63. Chapter 108
64. Chapter 110
65. Chapter 111
66. Chapter 112
67. Chapter 114

Chapter 1

Falso queritur de natura sua genus humanum, quod inbecilla atque aevi brevis forte potius quam virtute regatur. nam contra reputando neque maius aliud neque praestabilius invenias magisque naturae industriam hominum quam vim aut tempus deesse. sed dux atque imperator vitae mortalium animus est. qui ubi ad gloriam virtutis via grassatur, abunde pollens potensque et clarus est neque fortuna eget, quippe quae probitatem, industriam aliasque artis bonas neque dare neque eripere quoiquam potest. sin captus pravis cupidinibus ad inertiam et voluptates corporis pessum datus est, perniciosa lubidine paulisper usus, ubi per socordiam vires tempus ingenium diffluxere, naturae infirmitas accusatur: suam quisque culpam auctores ad negotia transferunt. quod si hominibus bonarum rerum tanta cura esset, quanto studio aliena ac nihil profutura multaque etiam periculosa ac perniciosa petunt, neque regerentur magis quam regerent casus et eo magnitudinis procederent, ubi pro mortalibus gloria aeterni fierent.

Chapter 2

nam uti genus hominum conpositum ex corpore et anima est, ita res cunctae studiaque omnia nostra corporis alia, alia animi naturam sequontur. igitur praeclara facies, magnae divitiae, ad hoc vis corporis et alia omnia huiusce modi brevi dilabuntur; at ingeni egregia facinora sicuti anima inmortalia sunt. postremo corporis et fortunae bonorum ut initium sic finis est, omniaque orta occidunt et aucta senescunt: animus incorruptus, aeternus, rector humani generis agit atque habet cuncta neque ipse habetur. quo magis pravitas eorum admiranda est, qui, dediti corporis gaudiis, per luxum et ignaviam aetatem agunt, ceterum ingenium, quo neque melius neque amplius aliud in natura mortalium est, incultu atque socordia torpescere sinunt, quom praesertim tam multae variaeque sint artes animi, quibus summa claritudo paratur.

Chapter 3

Verum ex iis magistratus et imperia, postremo omnis cura rerum publicarum minume mihi hac tempestate cupiunda videntur, quoniam neque virtuti honos datur neque illi, quibus per fraudem ius fuit, tuti aut eo magis honesti sunt. nam vi quidem regere patriam aut parentis, quamquam et possis et delicta corrigas, tamen inportunum est, quom praesertim omnes rerum mutationes caedem, fugam aliaque hostilia portendant. frustra autem niti neque aliud se fatigando nisi odium quaerere extremae dementiae est; nisi forte quem inhonesta et perniciosa lubido tenet potentiae paucorum decus atque libertatem suam gratificari.

Ceterum ex aliis negotiis, quae ingenio exercentur, in primis magno usui est memoria rerum gestarum. quoius de virtute quia multi dixere, praetereundum puto, simul ne per insolentiam quis existumet memet studium meum laudando extollere. atque ego credo fore qui, quia decrevi procul a re publica aetatem agere, tanto tamque utili labori meo nomen inertiae inponant, certe quibus maxuma industria videtur salutare plebem et conviviis gratiam quaerere. qui si reputaverint, et quibus ego temporibus magistratus adeptus sim et quales viri idem adsequi nequiverint et postea quae genera hominum in senatum pervenerint, profecto existumabunt me magis merito quam ignavia iudicium animi mei mutavisse maiusque commodum ex otio meo quam ex aliorum negotiis rei publicae venturum. nam saepe ego audivi Q. Maxumum, P. Scipionem, praeterea civitatis nostrae praeclaros viros solitos ita dicere, quom maiorum imagines intuerentur, vehementissume sibi animum ad virtutem accendi. scilicet non ceram illam neque figuram tantam vim in sese habere, sed memoria rerum gestarum eam flammam egregiis viris in pectore crescere neque prius sedari, quam virtus eorum famam atque gloriam adaequaverit. at contra quis est omnium his moribus, quin divitiis et sumptibus, non probitate neque industria cum maioribus suis contendat? etiam homines novi, qui antea per virtutem soliti erant nobilitatem antevenire, furtim et per latrocinia potius quam bonis artibus ad imperia et honores nituntur; proinde quasi praetura et consulatus atque alia omnia huiusce modi per se ipsa clara et magnifica sint ac non perinde habeantur, ut eorum qui ea sustinent virtus est. verum ego liberius altiusque processi, dum me civitatis morum piget taedetque. nunc ad inceptum redeo.

bellum scripturus sum, quod populus Romanus cum Iugurtha rege Numidarum gessit, primum quia magnum et atrox variaque victora fuit, dehinc quia tunc primum superbiae nobilitatis obviam itum est; quae contentio divina et humana cuncta permiscuit eoque vecordiae processit, ut studiis civilibus bellum atque vastitas Italiae finem faceret. sed prius quam huiusce modi rei initium expedio, pauca supra repetam, quo ad cognoscundum omnia illustria magis magisque in aperto sint.

Bello Punico secundo, quo dux Carthaginiensium Hannibal post magnitudinem nominis Romani Italiae opes maxume adtriverat, Masinissa rex Numidarum in amicitiam receptus a P. Scipione, quoi postea Africano cognomen ex virtute fuit, multa et praeclara rei militaris facinora fecerat. ob quae victis Carthaginiensibus et capto Syphace, quoius in Africa magnum atque late imperium valuit, populus Romanus, quascumque urbis et agros manu ceperat, regi dono dedit. igitur amicitia Masinissae bona atque honesta nobis permansit. sed imperi vitaeque eius finis idem fuit.

Dein Micipsa filius regnum solus obtinuit Mastanabale et Gulussa fratribus morbo absumptis. is Adherbalem et Hiempsalem ex sese genuit Iugurthamque filium Mastanabalis fratris, quem Masinissa, quod ortus ex concubina erat, privatum dereliquerat, eodem cultu quo liberos suos domi habuit.

Chapter 6

Qui ubi primum adolevit, pollens viribus, decora facie, sed multo maxume ingenio validus, non se luxu neque inertiae corrumpundum dedit, sed, uti mos gentis illius est, equitare, iaculari; cursu cum aequalibus certare et, quom omnis gloria anteiret, omnibus tamen carus esse; ad hoc pleraque tempora in venando agere, leonem atque alias feras primus aut in primis ferire: plurumum facere, minumum ipse de se loqui. quibus rebus Micipsa tametsi initio laetus fuerat, existumans virtutem Iugurthae regno suo gloriae fore, tamen, postquam hominem adulescentem exacta sua aetate et parvis liberis magis magisque crescere intellegit, vehementer eo negotio permotus multa cum animo suo volvebat. terrebat eum natura mortalium avida imperi et praeceps ad explendam animi cupidinem, praeterea opportunitas suae liberorumque aetatis, quae etiam mediocris viros spe praedae transvorsos agit, ad hoc studia Numidarum in Iugurtham accensa, ex quibus, si talem virum dolis interfecisset, ne qua seditio aut bellum oriretur, anxius erat. his difficultatibus circumventus ubi videt neque per vim neque insidiis opprimi posse hominem tam acceptum popularibus, quod erat Iugurtha manu promptus et adpetens gloriae militaris, statuit eum obiectare periculis et eo modo fortunam temptare.

Igitur bello Numantino Micipsa, quom populo Romano equitum atque peditum auxilia mitteret, sperans vel ostentando virtutem vel hostium saevitia facile eum occasurum, praefecit Numidis, quos in Hispaniam mittebat. sed ea res longe aliter, ac ratus erat, evenit. nam Iugurtha, ut erat inpigro atque acri ingenio, ubi naturam P. Scipionis, qui tum Romanis imperator erat, et morem hostium cognovit, multo labore multaque cura, praeterea modestissume parendo et saepe obviam eundo periculis in tantam claritudinem brevi pervenerat, ut nostris vehementer carus, Numantinis maxumo terrori esset. ac sane, quod difficillumum in primis est, et proelio strenuos erat et bonus consilio, quorum alterum ex providentia timorem, alterum ex audacia temeritatem adferre plerumque solet. igitur imperator omnis fere res asperas per Iugurtham agere, in amicis habere, magis magisque eum in dies amplecti, quippe quoius neque consilium neque inceptum ullum frustra erat. huc adcedebat munificentia animi et ingeni sollertia, quis rebus sibi multos ex Romanis familiari amicitia coniunxerat.

Chapter 8

Ea tempestate in exercitu nostro fuere complures novi atque nobiles, quibus divitiae bono honestoque potiores erant, factiosi domi, potentes apud socios, clari magis quam honesti, qui Iugurthae non mediocrem animum pollicitando accendebant, si Micipsa rex occidisset, fore uti solus imperi Numidiae potiretur: in ipso maxumam virtutem, Romae omnia venalia esse. sed postquam Numantia deleta P. Scipio dimittere auxilia et ipse revorti domum decrevit, donatum atque laudatum magnifice pro contione Iugurtham in praetorium abduxit ibique secreto monuit, ut potius publice quam privatim amicitiam populi Romani coleret neu quibus largiri insuesceret: periculose a paucis emi quod multorum esset. si permanere vellet in suis artibus, ultro illi et gloriam et regnum venturum; sin properantius pergeret, suamet ipsum pecunia praecipitem casurum. sic locutus cum litteris eum, quas Micipsae redderet, dimisit. earum sententia haec erat:

'Iugurthae tui bello Numantino longe maxuma virtus fuit, quam rem tibi certo scio gaudio esse. nobis ob merita sua carus est; ut idem senatui et populo Romano sit, summa ope nitemur. tibi quidem pro nostra amicitia gratulor. en habes virum dignum te atque avo suo Masinissa.'

Igitur rex, ubi ea quae fama acceperat ex litteris imperatoris ita esse cognovit, quom virtute tum gratia viri permotus flexit animum suom et Iugurtham beneficiis vincere aggressus est statimque eum adoptavit et testamento pariter cum filiis heredem instituit.

Sed ipse paucos post annos morbo atque aetate confectus quom sibi finem vitae adesse intellegeret, coram amicis et cognatis itemque Adherbale et Hiempsale filiis dicitur huiusce modi verba cum Iugurtha habuisse:

Chapter 10

'Parvom ego te, Iugurtha, amisso patre, sine spe, sine opibus in meum regnum accepi, existumans non minus me tibi quam liberis, si genuissem, ob beneficia carum fore. neque ea res falsum me habuit. nam, ut alia magna et egregia tua omittam, novissume rediens Numantia meque regnumque meum gloria honoravisti tuaque virtute nobis Romanos ex amicis amicissumos fecisti. in Hispania nomen familiae renovatum est. postremo, quod difficillumum inter mortalis est, gloria invidiam vicisti.

Nunc, quoniam mihi natura finem vitae facit, per hanc dexteram, per regni fidem moneo obtestorque te, uti hos, qui tibi genere propinqui, beneficio meo fratres sunt, caros habeas neu malis alienos adiungere quam sanguine coniunctos retinere. non exercitus neque thesauri praesidia regni sunt, verum amici, quos neque armis cogere neque auro parare queas: officio et fide pariuntur. quis autem amicior quam frater fratri? aut quem alienum fidum invenies, si tuis hostis fueris? equidem ego vobis regnum trado firmum, si boni eritis, sin mali, inbecillum. nam concordia parvae res crescunt, discordia maxumae dilabuntur.

Ceterum ante hos te, Iugurtha, qui aetate et sapientia prior es, ne aliter quid eveniat, providere decet. nam in omni certamine qui opulentior est, etiam si accipit iniuriam, tamen, quia plus potest, facere videtur. vos autem, Adherbal et Hiempsal, colite, observate talem hunc virum, imitamini virtutem et enitimini, ne ego meliores liberos sumpsisse videar quam genuisse.'

Chapter 11

Ad ea Iugurtha, tametsi regem ficta locutum intellegebat et ipse longe aliter animo agitabat, tamen pro tempore benigne respondit.

Micipsa paucis post diebus moritur. postquam illi more regio iusta magnifice fecerant, reguli in unum convenerunt, ut inter se de cunctis negotiis disceptarent. sed Hiempsal, qui minumus ex illis erat, natura ferox et iam antea ignobilitatem Iugurthae, quia materno genere inpar erat, despiciens, dextra Adherbalem adsedit, ne medius ex tribus, quod apud Numidas honori ducitur, Iugurtha foret. dein tamen, ut aetati concederet, fatigatus a fratre, vix in partem alteram transductus est. ibi quom multa de administrando imperio dissererent, Iugurtha inter alias res iacit oportere quinquenni consulta et decreta omnia rescindi, nam per ea tempora confectum annis Micipsam parum animo valuisse. tum idem Hiempsal placere sibi respondit, nam ipsum illum tribus proxumis annis adoptatione in regnum pervenisse. quod verbum in pectus Iugurthae altius, quam quisquam ratus erat, descendit. itaque ex eo tempore ira et metu anxius moliri, parare atque ea modo cum animo habere, quibus Hiempsal per dolum caperetur. quae ubi tardius procedunt neque lenitur animus ferox, statuit quovis modo inceptum perficere.

Chapter 12

Primo conventu, quem ab regulis factum supra memoravi, propter dissensionem placuerat dividi thesauros finisque imperi singulis constitui. itaque tempus ad utramque rem decernitur, sed maturius ad pecuniam distribuendam. reguli interea in loca propinqua thesauris alius alio concessere. sed Hiempsal in oppido Thirmida forte eius domo utebatur, qui proxumus lictor Iugurthae carus acceptusque ei semper fuerat. quem ille casu ministrum oblatum promissis onerat inpellitque, uti tamquam sua visens domum eat, portarum clavis adulterinas paret — nam verae ad Hiempsalem referebantur — ceterum, ubi res postularet, se ipsum cum magna manu venturum. Numida mandata brevi conficit atque, uti doctus erat, noctu Iugurthae milites introducit. qui postquam in aedis inrupere, divorsi regem quaerere, dormientis alios alios occursantis interficere, scrutari loca abdita, clausa effringere, strepitu et tumultu omnia miscere, quom interim Hiempsal reperitur occultans se tugurio mulieries ancillae, quo initio pavidus et ignarus loci perfugerat. Numidae caput eius, uti iussi erant, ad Iugurtham referunt.

Ceterum fama tanti facinoris per omnem Africam brevi divolgatur. Adherbalem omnisque, qui sub imperio Micipsae fuerant, metus invadit. in duas partis discedunt Numidae: plures Adherbalem sequontur, sed illum alterum bello meliores. igitur Iugurtha quam maxumas potest copias armat, urbis partim vi alias voluntate imperio suo adiungit, omni Numidiae imperare parat. Adherbal tametsi Romam legatos miserat, qui senatum docerent de caede fratris et fortunis suis, tamen fretus multitudine militum parabat armis contendere. sed ubi res ad certamen venit, victus ex proelio profugit in provinciam ac deinde Romam contendit. tum Iugurtha patratis consiliis, postquam omni Numidia potiebatur, in otio facinus suom cum animo reputans timere populum Romanum neque advorsus iram eius usquam nisi in avaritia nobilitatis et pecunia sua spem habere. itaque paucis diebus cum auro et argento multo Romam legatos mittit, quis praecipit, primum uti veteres amicos muneribus expleant, deinde novos adquirant, postremo quaecumque possint largiundo parare ne cunctentur. sed ubi Romam legati venere et ex praecepto regis hospitibus aliisque, quorum ea tempestate in senatu auctoritas pollebat, magna munera misere, tanta conmutatio incessit, ut ex maxuma invidia in gratiam et favorem nobilitatis Iugurtha veniret. quorum pars spe, alii praemio inducti singulos ex senatu ambiundo nitebantur, ne gravius in eum consuleretur. igitur ubi legati satis confidunt, die constituto senatus utrisque datur. tum Adherbalem hoc modo locutum accepimus:

Chapter 14

'Patres conscripti, Micipsa pater meus moriens mihi praecepit, uti regni Numidiae tantummodo procurationem existumarem meam, ceterum ius et imperium eius penes vos esse; simul eniterer domi militiaeque quam maxumo usui esse populo Romano; vos mihi cognatorum, vos adfinium loco ducerem: si ea fecissem, in vostra amicitia exercitum divitias munimenta regni me habiturum. quae quom praecepta parentis mei agitarem, Iugurtha, homo omnium quos terra sustinet sceleratissumus, contempto imperio vostro Masinissae me nepotem et iam ab stirpe socium atque amicum populi Romani regno fortunisque omnibus expulit.

Atque ego, patres conscripti, quoniam eo miseriarum venturus eram, vellem potius ob mea quam ob maiorum meorum beneficia posse me a vobis auxilium petere, ac maxume deberi mihi beneficia a populo Romano, quibus non egerem, secundum ea, si desideranda erant, uti debitis uterer. sed quoniam parum tuta per se ipsa probitas est neque mihi in manu fuit, Iugurtha qualis foret, ad vos confugi, patres conscripti, quibus, quod mihi miserrumum est, cogor prius oneri quam usui esse. ceteri reges aut bello victi in amicitiam a vobis recepti sunt aut in suis dubiis rebus societatem vostram adpetiverunt; familia nostra cum populo Romano bello Carthaginiensi amicitiam instituit, quo tempore magis fides eius quam fortuna petunda erat. quorum progeniem vos, patres conscripti, nolite pati me nepotem Masinissae frustra a vobis auxilium petere.

Si ad impetrandum nihil causae haberem praeter miserandam fortunam, quod paulo ante rex genere fama atque copiis potens, nunc deformatus aerumnis, inops alienas opes expecto, tamen erat maiestatis populi Romani prohibere iniuriam neque pati quoiusquam regnum per scelus crescere. verum ego iis finibus eiectus sum, quos maioribus meis populus Romanus dedit, unde pater et avos meus una vobiscum expulere Syphacem et Carthaginiensis. vostra beneficia mihi erepta sunt, patres conscripti, vos in mea iniuria despecti estis. eheu me miserum! hucine, Micipsa pater, beneficia tua evasere, ut, quem tu parem cum liberis tuis regnique participem fecisti, is potissumum stirpis tuae extinctor sit? numquamne ergo familia nostra quieta erit? semperne in sanguine ferro fuga vorsabitur? dum Carthaginienses incolumes fuere, iure omnia saeva patiebamur: hostes ab latere, vos amici procul, spes omnis in armis erat. postquam illa pestis ex Africa eiecta est, laeti pacem agitabamus, quippe quis hostis nullus erat, nisi forte quem vos iussissetis. ecce autem ex inproviso Iugurtha, intoleranda audacia scelere atque superbia sese efferens, fratre meo atque eodem propinquo suo interfecto primum regnum eius sceleris sui praedam fecit; post ubi me isdem dolis nequit capere, nihil minus quam vim aut bellum expectantem in imperio vostro, sicuti videtis, extorrem patria domo, inopem et coopertum miseriis effecit, ut ubivis tutius quam in meo regno essem.

Ego sic existumabam, patres conscripti, uti praedicantem audiveram patrem meum, qui vostram amicitiam diligenter colerent, eos multum laborem suscipere, ceterum ex omnibus maxume tutos esse. quod in familia nostra fuit, praestitit, uti in omnibus bellis adesset vobis; nos uti per otium tuti simus, in vostra manu est, patres conscripti. pater nos duos fratres reliquit, tertium Iugurtham beneficiis suis ratus est coniunctum nobis fore. alter eorum necatus est, alterius ipse ego manus inpias vix effugi. quid agam? aut quo potissumum infelix adcedam? generis praesidia omnia extincta sunt. pater, uti necesse erat, naturae concessit. fratri, quem minume decuit, propinquos per scelus vitam eripuit. affinis amicos propinquos ceteros meos alium alia clades oppressit: capti ab Iugurtha pars in crucem acti, pars bestiis obiecti sunt, pauci, quibus relicta est anima, clausi in tenebris cum maerore et luctu morte graviorem vitam exigunt.

Si omnia, quae aut amisi aut ex necessariis advorsa facta sunt, incolumia manerent, tamen, si quid ex inproviso mali accidisset, vos inplorarem, patres conscripti, quibus pro magnitudine imperi ius et iniurias omnis curae esse decet. nunc vero exul patria domo, solus atque omnium honestarum rerum egens quo adcedam aut quos appellem? nationesne an reges, qui omnes familiae nostrae ob vostram amicitiam infesti sunt? an quoquam mihi adire licet, ubi non maiorum meorum hostilia monumenta pluruma sint? aut quisquam nostri misereri potest, qui aliquando vobis hostis fuit? postremo Masinissa nos ita instituit, patres conscripti, ne quem coleremus nisi populum Romanum, ne societates, ne foedera nova acciperemus: abunde magna praesidia nobis in vostra amicitia fore; si huic imperio fortuna mutaretur, una occidundum nobis esse. virtute ac dis volentibus magni estis et opulenti, omnia secunda et oboedientia sunt: quo facilius sociorum iniurias curare licet.

Tantum illud vereor, ne quos privata amicitia Iugurthae parum cognita transvorsos agat. quos ego audio maxuma ope niti ambire fatigare vos singulos, ne quid de absente incognita causa statuatis; fingere me verba et fugam simulare, quoi licuerit in regno manere. quod utinam illum, quoius inpio facinore in has miserias proiectus sum, eadem haec simulantem videam, et aliquando aut apud vos aut apud deos inmortalis rerum humanarum cura oriatur: ne ille, qui nunc sceleribus suis ferox atque praeclarus est, omnibus malis excruciatus inpietatis in parentem nostrum, fratris mei necis mearumque miseriarum gravis poenas reddat. iam iam, frater animo meo carissume, quamquam tibi inmaturo et unde minume decuit vita erepta est, tamen laetandum magis quam dolendum puto casum tuom. non enim regnum, sed fugam exilium egestatem et omnis has quae me premunt aerumnas cum anima simul amisisti. at ego infelix, in tanta mala praecipitatus ex patrio regno, rerum humanarum spectaculum praebeo, incertus quid agam, tuasne iniurias persequar ipse auxili egens an regno consulam, quoius vitae necisque potestas ex opibus alienis pendet. utinam emori fortunis meis honestus exitus esset neu iure contemptus viderer, si defessus malls iniuriae concessissem. nunc neque vivere lubet neque mori licet sine dedecore.

Patres conscripti, per vos, per liberos atque parentis vostros, per maiestatem populi Romani, subvenite mihi misero, ite obviam iniuriae, nolite pati regnum Numidiae, quod vostrum est, per scelus et sanguinem familiae nostrae tabescere.'

Chapter 15

Postquam rex finem loquundi fecit, legati Iugurthae largitione magis quam causa freti paucis respondent: Hiempsalem ob saevitiam suam ab Numidis interfectum, Adherbalem ultro bellum inferentem, postquam superatus sit, queri, quod iniuriam facere nequivisset. Iugurtham ab senatu petere, ne se alium putarent ac Numantiae cognitus esset, neu verba inimici ante facta sua ponerent. deinde utrique curia egrediuntur. senatus statim consulitur. fautores legatorum, praeterea senatus magna pars gratia depravata Adherbalis dicta contemnere, Iugurthae virtutem extollere laudibus; gratia, voce, denique omnibus modis pro alieno scelere et flagitio, sua quasi pro gloria, nitebantur. at contra pauci, quibus bonum et aequom divitiis carius erat, subveniundum Adherbali et Hiempsalis mortem severe vindicandam censebant, sed ex omnibus maxume Aemilius Scaurus, homo nobilis inpiger factiosus, avidus potentiae honoris divitiarum, ceterum vitia sua callide occultans. is postquam videt regis largitionem famosam inpudentemque, veritus, quod in tali re solet, ne polluta licentia invidiam accenderet, animum a consueta lubidine continuit. vicit tamen in senatu pars illa, quae vero pretium aut gratiam anteferebat. decretum fit, uti decem legati regnum, quod Micipsa obtinuerat, inter Iugurtham et Adherbalem dividerent. quoius legationis princeps fuit L. Opimius, homo clarus et tum in senatu potens, quia consul C. Graccho et M. Fulvio Flacco interfectis acerrume victoriam nobilitatis in plebem exercuerat. eum Iugurtha tametsi Romae in inimicis habuerat, tamen accuratissume recepit, dando et pollicendo multa perfecit, uti fama, fide, postremo omnibus suis rebus commodum regis anteferret. reliquos legatos eadem via aggressus plerosque capit, paucis carior fides quam pecunia fuit. in divisione, quae pars Numidiae Mauretaniam attingit, agro virisque opulentior, Iugurthae traditur; illam alteram specie quam usu potiorem, quae portuosior et aedificiis magis exornata erat, Adherbal possedit.

Chapter 17

Res postulare videtur Africae situm paucis exponere et eas gentis, quibuscum nobis bellum aut amicitia fuit, attingere. sed quae loca et nationes ob calorem aut asperitatem, item solitudines minus frequentata surit, de iis haud facile compertum narraverim. cetera quam paucissumis absolvam.

In divisione orbis terrae plerique in parte tertia Africam posuere, pauci tantummodo Asiam et Europam esse, sed Africam in Europa. ea finis habet ab occidente fretum nostri maris et Oceani, ab ortu solis declivem latitudinem, quem locum Catabathmon incolae appellant. mare saevom, inportuosum; ager frugum fertilis, bonus pecori, arbori infecundus; caelo terraque penuria aquarum. genus hominum salubri corpore, velox, patiens laborum; ac plerosque senectus dissolvit, nisi qui ferro aut bestiis interiere, nam morbus haud saepe quemquam superat; ad hoc malefici generis pluruma animalia. sed qui mortales initio Africam habuerint quique postea adcesserint aut quo modo inter se permixti sint, quamquam ab ea fama, quae plerosque obtinet, divorsum est, tamen, uti ex libris Punicis, qui regis Hiempsalis dicebantur, interpretatum nobis est utique rem sese habere cultores eius terrae putant, quam paucissumis dicam. ceterum fides eius rei penes auctores erit.

Chapter 18

Africam initio habuere Gaetuli et Libyes, asperi incultique, quis cibus erat caro ferina atque humi pabulum uti pecoribus. ii neque moribus neque lege aut imperio quoiusquam regebantur: vagi palantes quas nox coegerat sedes habebant. sed postquam in Hispania Hercules, sicuti Afri putant, interiit, exercitus eius, conpositus ex variis gentibus, amisso duce ac passim multis sibi quisque imperium petentibus brevi dilabitur. ex eo numero Medi, Persae et Armenii navibus in Africam transvecti proxumos nostro mari locos occupavere, sed Persae intra Oceanum magis, iique alveos navium invorsos pro tuguriis habuere, quia neque materia in agris neque ab Hispanis emundi aut mutandi copia erat: mare magnum et ignara lingua commercio prohibebant. ii paulatim per conubia Gaetulos secum miscuere et, quia saepe temptantes agros alia, deinde alia loca petiverant, semet ipsi Nomadas appellavere. ceterum adhuc aedificia Numidarum agrestium, quae mapalia illi vocant, oblonga, incurvis lateribus, tecta quasi navium carinae sunt. Medis autem et Armeniis adcessere Libyes —nam ii propius mare Africum agitabant, Gaetuli sub sole magis, haud procul ab ardoribus —, iique mature oppida habuere; nam freto divisi ab Hispania mutare res inter se instituerant. nomen eorum paulatim Libyes corrupere, barbara lingua Mauros pro Medis appellantes. sed res Persarum brevi adolevit, ac postea nomine Numidae, propter multitudinem a parentibus digressi, possedere ea loca, quae proxuma Carthagine Numidia appellatur. deinde utrique alteris freti finitumos armis aut metu sub imperium suom coegere, nomen gloriamque sibi addidere, magis ii, qui ad nostrum mare processerant, quia Libyes quam Gaetuli minus bellicosi. denique Africae pars inferior pleraque ab Numidis possessa est, victi omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium concessere. postea Phoenices, alii multitudinis domi minuendae gratia, pars imperi cupidine sollicitata plebe et aliis novarum rerum avidis, Hipponem, Hadrumetum, Lepcim aliasque urbis in ora marituma condidere; eaeque brevi multum auctae, pars originibus suis praesidio, aliae decori fuere. nam de Carthagine silere melius puto quam parum dicere, quoniam alio properare tempus monet.

Igitur ad Catabathmon, qui locus Aegyptum ab Africa dividit, secundo mari prima Cyrene est, colonia Theraeon, ac deinceps duae Syrtes interque eas Lepcis, deinde Philaenon arae, quem locum Aegyptum vorsus finem imperi habuere Carthaginienses, post aliae Punicae urbes. cetera loca usque ad Mauretaniam Numidae tenent, proxumi Hispania Mauri sunt. super Numidiam Gaetulos accepimus partim in tuguriis, alios incultius vagos agitare, post eos Aethiopas esse, dehinc loca exusta solis ardoribus. igitur bello Iugurthino pleraque ex Punicis oppida et finis Carthaginiensium, quos novissume habuerant, populus Romanus per magistratus administrabat; Gaetulorum magna pars et Numidae usque ad flumen Muluccham sub Iugurtha erant; Mauris omnibus rex Bocchus imperitabat, praeter nomen cetera ignarus populi Romani itemque nobis neque bello neque pace antea cognitus. de Africa et eius incolis ad necessitudinem rei satis dictum.

Chapter 20

Postquam diviso regno legati Africa decessere et Iugurtha contra timorem animi praemia sceleris adeptum sese videt, certum esse ratus, quod ex amicis apud Numantiam acceperat, omnia Romae venalia esse, simul et illorum pollicitationibus accensus, quos paulo ante muneribus expleverat, in regnum Adherbalis animum intendit. ipse acer, bellicosus; at is quem petebat quietus, inbellis, placido ingenio, opportunus iniuriae, metuens magis quam metuendus. igitur ex inproviso finis eius cum magna manu invadit, multos mortalis cum pecore atque alia praeda capit, aedificia incendit, pleraque loca hostiliter cum equitatu adcedit, deinde cum omni multitudine in regnum suom convortit, existumans Adherbalem dolore permotum iniurias suas manu vindicaturum eamque rem belli causam fore. at ille, quod neque se parem armis existumabat et amicitia populi Romani magis quam Numidis fretus erat, legatos ad Iugurtham de iniuriis questum misit. qui tametsi contumeliosa dicta rettulerant, prius tamen omnia pati decrevit quam bellum sumere, quia temptatum antea secus cesserat. neque eo magis cupido Iugurthae minuebatur, quippe qui totum eius regnum animo iam invaserat. itaque non uti antea cum praedatoria manu, sed magno exercitu conparato bellum gerere coepit et aperte totius Numidiae imperium petere. ceterum, qua pergebat, urbis agros vastare, praedas agere, suis animum hostibus terrorem augere. Adherbal ubi intellegit eo processum, uti regnum aut relinquendum esset aut armis retinendum, necessario copias parat et Iugurthae obvius procedit. interim haud longe a mari prope Cirtam oppidum utriusque exercitus consedit et, quia diei extremum erat, proelium non inceptum. sed ubi plerumque noctis processit, obscuro etiam tum lumine milites Iugurthini signo dato castra hostium invadunt, semisomnos partim, alios arma sumentis fugant funduntque. Adherbal cum paucis equitibus Cirtam profugit, et ni multitude togatorum fuisset, quae Numidas insequentis moenibus prohibuit, uno die inter duos reges coeptum atque patratum bellum foret. igitur Iugurtha oppidum circumsedit, vineis turribusque et machinis omnium generum expugnare aggreditur, maxume festinans tempus legatorum antecapere, quos ante proelium factum ab Adherbale Romam missos audiverat.

Sed postquam senatus de bello eorum accepit, tres adulescentes in Africam legantur, qui ambos reges adeant, senatus populique Romani verbis nuntient velle et censere eos ab armis discedere, de controvorsiis suis iure potius quam bello disceptare: ita seque illisque dignum esse. legati in Africam maturantes veniunt, eo magis quod Romae, dum proficisci parant, de proelio facto et oppugnatione Cirtae audiebatur; sed is rumor clemens erat. quorum Iugurtha accepta oratione respondit sibi neque maius quicquam neque carius auctoritate senatus esse. ab adulescentia ita se enisum, ut ab optumo quoque probaretur; virtute, non malitia P. Scipioni, summo viro, placuisse; ob easdem artis a Micipsa, non penuria liberorum in regnum adoptatum esse. ceterum, quo plura bene atque strenue fecisset, eo animum suom iniuriam minus tolerare. Adherbalem dolis vitae suae insidiatum; quod ubi comperisset, sceleri eius obviam isse. populum Romanum neque recte neque pro bono facturum, si ab iure gentium sese prohibuerit. postremo de omnibus rebus legatos Romam brevi missurum. ita utrique digrediuntur. Adherbalis appellandi copia non fuit.

Chapter 23

Iugurtha ubi eos Africa decessisse ratus est neque propter loci naturam Cirtam armis expugnare potest, vallo atque fossa moenia circumdat, turris extruit easque praesidiis firmat; praeterea dies noctisque aut per vim aut dolis temptare; defensoribus moenium praemia modo, modo formidinem ostentare; suos hortando ad virtutem adrigere; prorsus intentus cuncta parare. Adherbal ubi intellegit omnis suas fortunas in extremo sitas, hostem infestum, auxili spem nullam, penuria rerum necessariarum bellum trahi non posse, ex iis, qui una Cirtam profugerant, duos maxume inpigros delegit; eos multa pollicendo ac miserando casum suom confirmat, uti per hostium munitiones noctu ad proxumum mare, dein Romam pergerent. Numidae paucis diebus iussa efficiunt. litterae Adherbalis in senatu recitatae, quarum sententia haec fuit:

'Non mea culpa saepe ad vos oratum mitto, patres conscripti, sed vis Iugurthae subigit, quem tanta lubido extinguendi me invasit, ut neque vos neque deos inmortalis in animo habeat, sanguinem meum quam omnia malit. itaque quintum iam mensem socius et amicus populi Romani armis obsessus teneor; neque mihi Micipsae patris mei beneficia neque vostra decreta auxiliantur; ferro an fame acrius urgear, incertus sum.

Plura de Iugurtha scribere dehortatur me fortuna mea, et iam antea expertus sum parum fidei miseris esse; nisi tamen intellego illum supra quam ego sum petere neque simul amicitiam vostram et regnum meum sperare. utrum gravius existumet, nemini occultum est. nam initio occidit Hiempsalem fratrem meum, deinde patrio regno me expulit. quae sane fuerint nostrae iniuriae, nihil ad vos. verum nunc vostrum regnum armis tenet; me, quem vos imperatorem Numidis posuistis, clausum obsidet; legatorum verba quanti fecerit, pericula mea declarant. quid est reliquom nisi vis vostra, quo moveri possit? nam ego quidem vellem, et haec, quae scribo, et illa, quae antea in senatu questus sum, vana forent potius, quam miseria mea fidem verbis faceret.

Sed quoniam eo natus sum, ut Iugurthae scelerum ostentui essem, non iam mortem neque aerumnas, tantummodo inimici imperium et cruciatus corporis deprecor. regno Numidiae, quod vostrum est, uti lubet, consulite; me manibus inpiis eripite, per maiestatem imperi, per amicitiae fidem, si ulla apud vos memoria remanet avi mei Masinissae.'

Chapter 25

His litteris recitatis fuere qui exercitum in Africam mittundum censerent et quam primum Adherbali subveniundum; de Iugurtha interim uti consuleretur, quoniam legatis non paruisset. sed ab isdem illis regis fautoribus summa ope enisum, ne tale decretum fieret. ita bonum publicum, uti in plerisque negotiis solet, privata gratia devictum. legantur tamen in Africam maiores natu nobiles, amplis honoribus usi. in quis fuit M. Scaurus, de quo supra memoravimus, consularis et tum senatus princeps. ii, quod res in invidia erat, simul et ab Numidis obsecrati, triduo navem ascendere. dein brevi Uticam adpulsi litteras ad Iugurtham mittunt: quam ocissume ad provinciam adcedat, seque ad eum ab senatu missos. ille ubi accepit homines claros, quorum auctoritatem Romae pollere audiverat, contra inceptum suom venisse, primo conmotus metu atque lubidine divorsus agitabatur: timebat iram senatus, ni paruisset legatis; porro animus cupidine caecus ad inceptum scelus rapiebat. vicit tamen in avido ingenio pravom consilium. igitur exercitu circumdato summa vi Cirtam inrumpere nititur, maxume sperans diducta manu hostium aut vi aut dolis sese casum victoriae inventurum. quod ubi secus procedit neque quod intenderat efficere potest, ut, prius quam legatos conveniret, Adherbalis potiretur, ne amplius morando Scaurum, quem plurumum metuebat, incenderet, cum paucis equitibus in provinciam venit. ac tametsi senati verbis graves minae nuntiabantur, quod ab oppugnatione non desisteret, multa tamen oratione consumpta legati frusta discessere.

Chapter 26

Ea postquam Cirtae audita sunt, Italici, quorum virtute moenia defensabantur, confisi deditione facta propter magnitudinem populi Romani inviolatos sese fore, Adherbali suadent, uti seque et oppidum Iurgurthae tradat, tantum ab eo vitam paciscatur; de ceteris senatui curae fore. at ille, tametsi omnia potiora fide Iugurthae rebatur, tamen, quia penes eosdem, si advorsaretur, cogundi potestas erat, ita, uti censuerant Italici, deditionem facit. Iugurtha in primis Adherbalem excruciatum necat, deinde omnis puberes Numidas atque negotiatores promiscue, uti quisque armatus obvius fuerat, interficit.

Chapter 27

Quod postquam Romae cognitum est et res in senatu agitari coepta, idem illi ministri regis interpellando ac saepe gratia, interdum iurgiis trahundo tempus atrocitatem facti leniebant. ac ni C. Memmius tribunus plebis designatus, vir acer et infestus potentiae nobilitatis, populum Romanum edocuisset id agi, ut per paucos factiosos Iugurthae scelus condonaretur, profecto omnis invidia prolatandis consultationibus dilapsa foret: tanta vis gratiae atque pecuniae regis erat. sed ubi senatus delicti conscientia populum timet, lege Sempronia provinciae futuris consulibus Numidia atque Italia decretae; consules declarati P. Scipio Nasica et L. Bestia Calpurnius; Calpurnio Numidia, Scipioni Italia obvenit. deinde exercitus, qui in Africam portaretur, scribitur; stipendium aliaque, quae bello usui forent, decernuntur.

Chapter 28

At Iugurtha contra spem nuntio accepto, quippe quoi Romae omnia venire in animo haeserat, filium et cum eo duos familiaris ad senatum legatos mittit iisque uti Illis, quos Hiempsale interfecto miserat, praecipit, omnis mortalis pecunia aggrediantur. qui postquam Romam adventabant, senatus a Bestia consultus est, placeretne legatos Iugurthae recipi moenibus, iique decrevere, nisi regnum ipsumque deditum venissent, uti in diebus proxumis decem Italia decederent. consul Numidis ex senatus decreto nuntiari iubet. ita infectis rebus illi domum discedunt.

Interim Calpurnius parato exercitu legat sibi homines nobilis factiosos, quorum auctoritate quae deliquisset munita fore sperabat. in quis fuit Scaurus, quoius de natura et habitu supra memoravimus. nam in consule nostro multae bonaeque artes et animi et corporis erant, quas omnis avaritia praepediebat: patiens laborum, acri ingenio, satis providens, belli haud ignarus, firmissumus contra pericula et insidias. sed legiones per Italiam Regium atque inde Siciliam, porro ex Sicilia in Africam transvectae. igitur Calpurnius initio paratis commeatibus acriter Numidiam ingressus est, multosque mortalis et urbis aliquot pugnando cepit. sed ubi Iugurtha per legatos pecunia temptare bellique, quod administrabat, asperitatem ostendere coepit, animus aeger avaritia facile convorsus est. ceterum socius et administer omnium consiliorum adsumitur Scaurus, qui tametsi a principio plerisque ex factione eius corruptis acerrume regem inpugnaverat, tamen magnitudine pecuniae a bono honestoque in pravom abstractus est. sed Iugurtha primo tantummodo belli redimebat, existumans sese aliquid interim Romae pretio aut gratia effecturum. postea vero quam participem negoti Scaurum accepit, in maxumam spem adductus recuperandae pacis statuit cum iis de omnibus pactionibus praesens agere. ceterum interea fidei causa mittitur a consule Sextius quaestor in oppidum Iugurthae Vagam. quoius rei species erat acceptio frumenti, quod Calpurnius palam legatis imperaverat, quoniam deditionis mora indutiae agitabantur. igitur rex, uti constituerat, in castra venit, ac pauca praesenti consilio locutus de invidia facti sui atque uti in deditionem acciperetur, reliqua cum Bestia et Scauro secreta transigit. dein postero die quasi per saturam sententiis exquisitis in deditionem accipitur. sed, uti pro consilio imperatum erat, elephanti triginta, pecus atque equi multi cum parvo argenti pondere quaestori traduntur. Calpurnius Romam ad magistratus rogandos proficiscitur. in Numidia et exercitu nostro pax agitabantur.

Chapter 30

Postquam res in Africa gestas quoque modo actae forent fama divolgavit, Romae per omnis locos et conventus de facto consulis agitari. apud plebem gravis invidia, patres solliciti erant: probarentne tantum flagitium an decretum consulis subvorterent, parum constabat. ac maxume eos potentia Scauri, quod is auctor et socius Bestiae ferebatur, a vero bonoque impediebat. at C. Memmius, quoius de libertate ingeni et odio potentiae nobilitatis supra diximus, inter dubitationem et moras senatus contionibus populum ad vindicandum hortari, monere, ne rem publicam, ne libertatem suam desererent, multa superba et crudelia facinora nobilitatis ostendere; prorsus intentus omni modo plebis animum incendebat.

Sed quoniam ea tempestate Romae Memmi facundia clara pollensque fuit, decere existumavi unam ex tam multis orationem eius perscribere, ac potissumum ea dicam, quae in contione post reditum Bestiae huiusce modi verbis disseruit:

Chapter 31

'Multa me dehortantur a vobis, Quirites, ni studium rei publicae omnia superet: opes factionis, vostra patientia, ius nullum, ac maxume quod innocentiae plus periculi quam honoris est. nam illa quidem piget dicere, his annis quindecim quam ludibrio fueritis superbiae paucorum, quam foede quamque inulti perierint vostri defensores, ut vobis animus ab ignavia atque socordia corruptus sit, qui ne nunc quidem obnoxiis inimicis exurgitis atque etiam nunc timetis eos, quibus decet terrori esse. sed quamquam haec talia sunt, tamen obviam ire factionis potentiae animus subigit. certe ego libertatem, quae mihi a parente meo tradita est, experiar. verum id frustra an ob rem faciam, in vostra manu situm est, Quirites.

Neque ego vos hortor, quod saepe maiores vostri fecere, uti contra iniurias armati eatis. nihil vi, nihil secessione opus est; necesse est suomet ipsi more praecipites eant. occiso Ti. Graccho, quem regnum parare aiebant, in plebem Romanam quaestiones habitae sunt; post C. Cracchi et C. Fulvi caedem item vostri ordinis multi mortales in carcere necati sunt: utriusque cladis non lex, verum lubido eorum finem fecit. sed sane fuerit regni paratio plebi sua restituere; quicquid sine sanguine civium ulcisci nequitur, iure factum sit. superioribus annis taciti indignabamini aerarium expilari, reges et populos liberos paucis nobilibus vectigal pendere, penes eosdem et summam gloriam et maxumas divitias esse. tamen haec talia facinora impune suscepisse parum habuere, itaque postremo leges, maistas vostra, divina et humana omnia hostibus tradita sunt. neque eos qui ea fecere pudet aut paenitet, sed incedunt per ora vostra magnifici, sacerdotia et consulatus, pars triumphos suos ostentantes; proinde quasi ea honori, non praedae habeant. servi aere parati iniusta imperia dominorum non perferunt; vos, Quirites, in imperio nati aequo animo servitutem toleratis? at qui sunt ii, qui rem publicam occupavere? homines sceleratissumi, cruentis manibus, immani avaritia, nocentissumi et idem superbissumi, quibus fides decus pietas, postremo honesta atque inhonesta omnia quaestui sunt. pars eorum occidisse tribunos plebis, alii quaestiones iniustas, plerique caedem in vos fecisse pro munimento habent. ita quam quisque pessume fecit, tam maxume tutus est. metum ab scelere suo ad ignaviam vostram transtulere, quos omnis eadem cupere, eadem odisse, eadem metuere in unum coegit. sed haec inter bonos amicitia, inter malos factio est. quod si tam vos libertatis curam haberetis, quam illi ad dominationem accensi sunt, profecto neque res publica sicuti nunc vastaretur et beneficia vostra penes optumos, non audacissumos forent. maiores vostri parandi iuris et maiestatis constituendae gratia bis per secessionem armati Aventinum occupavere; vos pro libertate, quam ab illis accepistis, nonne summa ope nitemini? atque eo vehementius, quo maius dedecus est parta amittere quam omnino non paravisse.

Dicet aliquis 'quid igitur censes?' vindicandum in eos, qui hosti prodidere rem publicam, non manu neque vi, quod magis vos fecisse quam illis accidisse indignum est, verum quaestionibus et indicio ipsius Iugurthae. qui si dediticius est, profecto iussis vostris oboediens erit; sin ea contemnit, scilicet existumabitis, qualis illa pax aut deditio sit, ex qua ad Iugurtham scelerum impunitas, ad paucos potentis maxumae divitiae, ad rem publicam damna atque dedecora pervenerint; nisi forte nondum etiam vos dominationis eorum satietas tenet et illa quam haec tempora magis placent, quom regna provinciae leges iura iudicia bella atque paces, postremo divina et humana omnia penes paucos erant; vos autem, hoc est populus Romanus, invicti ab hostibus, imperatores omnium gentium, satis habebatis animam retinere. nam servitutem quidem quis vostrum recusare audebat?

Atque ego tametsi viro flagitiosissumum existumo impune iniuriam accepisse, tamen vos hominibus sceleratissumis ignoscere, quoniam cives sunt, aequo animo paterer, ni misericordia in perniciem casura esset. nam et illis, quantum importunitatis habent, parum est impune male fecisse, nisi deinde faciundi licentia eripitur, et vobis aeterna sollicitudo remanebit, quom intellegetis aut serviundum esse aut per manus libertatem retinendam. nam fidei quidem aut concordiae quae spes est? dominari illi volunt, vos liberi esse; facere illi iniurias, vos prohibere; postremo sociis nostris veluti hostibus, hostibus pro sociis utuntur. potestne in tam divorsis mentibus pax aut amicitia esse?

Quare moneo hortorque vos, ne tantum scelus inpunitum omittatis. non peculatus aerari factus est neque per vim sociis ereptae pecuniae, quae quamquam gravia sunt, tamen consuetudine iam pro nihilo habentur; hosti acerrumo prodita senatus auctoritas, proditum imperium vostrum est; domi militiaeque res publica venalis fuit. quae nisi quaesita erunt, nisi vindicatum in noxios, quid erit reliquom, nisi ut illis qui ea fecere oboedientes vivamus? nam impune quae lubet facere, id est regem esse. neque ego vos, Quirites, hortor, ut malitis civis vostros perperam quam recte fecisse, sed ne ignoscundo malis bonos perditum eatis. ad hoc in re publica multo praestat benefici quam malefici inmemorem esse: bonus tantummodo segnior fit, ubi neglegas, at malus inprobior. ad hoc si iniuriae non sint, haud saepe auxili egeas.'

Chapter 32

Haec atque alia huiusce modi saepe dicundo Memmius populo persuadet, uti L. Cassius, qui tum praetor erat, ad Iugurtham mitteretur eumque interposita fide publica Romam duceret, quo facilius indicio regis Scauri et reliquorum, quos pecuniae captae arcessebat, delicta patefierent.

Dum haec Romae geruntur, qui in Numidia relicti a Bestia exercitui praeerant, secuti morem imperatoris sui pluruma et flagitiosissuma facinora fecere. fuere qui auro corrupti elephantos Iugurthae traderent, alii perfugas vendere, pars ex pacatis praedas agebant: tanta vis avaritiae in animos eorum veluti tabes invaserat. at Cassius praetor perlata rogatione a C. Memmio ac perculsa omni nobilitate ad Iugurtham proficiscitur eique timido et ex conscientia diffidenti rebus suis persuadet, quoniam se populo Romano dedisset, ne vim quam misericordiam eius experiri mallet. privatim praeterea fidem suam interponit, quam ille non minoris quam publicam ducebat: talis ea tempestate fama de Cassio erat.

Igitur Iugurtha contra decus regium cultu quam maxume miserabili cum Cassio Romam venit. ac tametsi in ipso magna vis animi erat, confirmatus ab omnibus, quorum potentia aut scelere cuncta ea gesserat, quae supra diximus, C. Baebium tribunum plebis magna mercede parat, quoius inpudentia contra ius et iniurias omnis munitus foret. at C. Memmius advocata contione, quamquam regi infesta plebes erat et pars in vincula duci iubebat, pars, nisi socios sceleris sui aperiret, more maiorum de hoste supplicium sumi, dignitati quam irae magis consulens sedare motus et animos eorum mollire, postremo confirmare fidem publicam per sese inviolatam fore. post ubi silentium coepit, producto Iugurtha verba facit, Romae Numidiaeque facinora eius memorat, scelera in patrem fratresque ostendit. quibus iuvantibus quibusque ministris ea egerit, quamquam intellegat popolus Romanus, tamen velle manufesta magis ex illo habere. si verum aperiat, in fide et dementia populi Romani magnam spem illi sitam; sin reticeat, non sociis saluti fore, sed se suasque spes corrupturum. deinde ubi Memmius dicundi finem fecit et Iugurtha respondere iussus est, C. Baebius tribunus plebis, quem pecunia corruptum supra diximus, regem tacere iubet, ac tametsi multitudo, quae in contione aderat, vehementer accensa terrebat eum clamore, voltu, saepe impetu atque aliis omnibus, quae ira fieri amat, vicit tamen inpudentia. ita populus ludibrio habitus ex contione discedit; Iugurthae Bestiaeque et ceteris, quos illa quaestio exagitabat, animi augescunt.

Chapter 35

Erat ea tempestate Romae Numida quidam nomine Massiva, Gulussae filius, Masinissae nepos, qui, quia in dissensione regum Iugurthae advorsus fuerat, dedita Cirta et Adherbale interfecto profugus ex patria abierat. huic Sp. Albinus, qui proxumo anno post Bestiam cum Q. Minucio Rufo consulatum gerebat, persuadet, quoniam ex stirpe Masinissae sit Iugurthamque ob scelera invidia cum metu urgeat, regnum Numidiae ab senatu petat. avidus consul belli gerundi movere quam senescere omnia malebat. ipsi provincia Numidia, Minucio Macedonia evenerat. quae postquam Massiva agitare coepit neque Iugurthae in amicis satis praesidi est, quod eorum alium conscientia, alium mala fama et timor impediebat, Bomilcari, proxumo ac maxume fido sibi, imperat, pretio, sicuti multa confecerat, insidiatores Massivae paret ac maxume occulte, sin id parum procedat, quovis modo Numidam interficiat. Bomilcar mature regis mandata exequitur et per homines talis negoti artifices itinera egressusque eius, postremo loca atque tempora cuncta explorat. deinde, ubi res postulabat, insidias tendit. igitur unus ex eo numero, qui ad caedem parati erant, paulo inconsultius Massivam aggreditur. illum obtruncat, sed ipse deprehensus multis hortantibus et in primis Albino consule indicium profitetur. fit reus magis ex aequo bonoque quam ex iure gentium Bomilcar, comes eius, qui Romam fide publica venerat. at Iugurtha manufestus tanti sceleris non prius omisit contra verum niti, quam animadvortit supra gratiam atque pecuniam suam invidiam facti esse. igitur, quamquam in priore actione ex amicis quinquaginta vades dederat, regno magis quam vadibus consulens clam in Numidiam Bomilcarem dimittit, ventus, ne reliquos popularis metus invaderet parendi sibi, si de illo supplicium sumptum foret. et ipse paucis diebus eodem profectus est, iussus a senatu Italia decedere. sed postquam Roma egressus est, fertur saepe eo tacitus respiciens postremo dixisse 'o urbem venalem et mature perituram, si emptorem invenerit.'

Interim Albinus renovato bello commeatum, stipendium aliaque, quae militibus usui forent, maturat in Africam portare; ac statim ipse profectus, uti ante comitia, quod tempus haud longe aberat, armis aut deditione aut quovis modo bellum conficeret. at contra Iugurtha trahere omnia et alias, deinde alias morae causas facere; polliceri deditionem ac deinde metum simulare; cedere instanti et paulo post, ne sui diffiderent, instare: ita belli modo, modo pacis mora consulem ludificare. ac fuere qui tum Albinum haud ignarum consili regis existumarent neque ex tanta properantia tam facile tractum bellum socordia magis quam dolo crederent. sed postquam dilapso tempore comitiorum dies adventabat, Albinus Aulo fratre in castris pro praetore relicto Romam decessit.

Chapter 37

Ea tempestate Romae seditionibus tribuniciis atrociter res publica agitabatur. P. Lucullus et L. Annius tribuni plebis resistentibus collegis continuare magistratum nitebantur, quae dissensio totius anni comitia impediebat. ea mora in spem adductus Aulus, quem pro praetore in castris relictum supra diximus, aut conficiundi belli aut terrore exercitus ab rege pecuniae capiundae milites mense Ianuario ex hibernis in expeditionem evocat, magnisque itineribus hieme aspera pervenit ad oppidum Suthul, ubi regis thesauri erant. quod quamquam et saevitia temporis et opportunitate loci neque capi neque obsideri poterat — nam circum murum situm in praerupti montis extremo planities limosa hiemalibus aquis paludem fecerat —, tamen aut simulandi gratia, quo regi formidinem adderet, aut cupidine caecus ob thesauros oppidi potiundi vineas agere, aggerem iacere aliaque, quae incepto usui forent, properare. at Iugurtha cognita vanitate atque inperitia legati subdole eius augere amentiam, missitare supplicantis legatos, ipse quasi vitabundus per saltuosa loca et tramites exercitum ductare. denique Aulum spe pactionis perpulit, uti relicto Suthule in abditas regiones sese veluti cedentem insequeretur: ita delicta occultiora fuere. interea per homines callidos diu noctuque exercitum temptabat, centuriones ducesque turmarum, partim uti transfugerent, corrumpere, alii signo dato locum uti desererent. quae postquam ex sententia instruit, intempesta nocte de inproviso multitudine Numidarum Auli castra circumvenit. milites Romani, perculsi tumultu insolito, arma capere alii, alii se abdere, pars territos confirmare, trepidare omnibus locis. vis magna hostium, caelum nocte atque nubibus obscuratum, periculum anceps; postremo fugere an manere tutius foret, in incerto erat. sed ex eo numero, quos paulo ante corruptos diximus, cohors una Ligurum cum duabus turmis Thracum et paucis gregariis militibus transiere ad regem, et centurio primi pili tertiae legionis per munitionem, quam uti defenderet acceperat, locum hostibus introeundi dedit, eaque Numidae cuncti inrupere. nostri foeda fuga, plerique abiectis armis, proxumum collem occupaverunt. nox atque praeda castrorum hostis, quo minus victoria uterentur, remorata sunt. deinde Iugurtha postero die cum Aulo in conloquio verba facit: tametsi ipsum cum exercitu fame et ferro clausum teneret, tamen se memorem humanarum rerum, si secum foedus faceret, incolumis omnis sub iugum missurum; praeterea uti diebus decem Numidia decederet. quae quamquam gravia et flagiti plena erant, tamen, quia mortis metu mutabantur, sicuti regi lubuerat, pax convenit.

Chapter 39

Sed ubi ea Romae comperta sunt, metus atque maeror civitatem invasere: pars dolere pro gloria imperi, pars insolita rerum bellicarum timere libertati; Aulo omnes infesti, ac maxume qui bello saepe praeclari fuerant, quod armatus dedecore potius quam manu salutem quaesiverat. ob ea consul Albinus ex delicto fratris invidiam ac deinde periculum timens senatum de foedere consulebat, et tamen interim exercitui supplementum scribere, ab sociis et nomine Latino auxilia arcessere, denique omnibus modis festinare. senatus ita, uti par fuerat, decernit suo atque populi iniussu nullum potuisse foedus fieri. consul impeditus a tribunis plebis, ne quas paraverat copias secum portaret, paucis diebus in Africam proficiscitur; nam omnis exercitus, uti convenerat, Numidia deductus in provincia hiemabat. postquam eo venit, quamquam persequi Iugurtham et mederi fraternae invidiae animo ardebat, cognitis militibus, quos praeter fugam soluto imperio licentia atque lascivia corruperat, ex copia rerum statuit sibi nihil agitandum.

Chapter 40

Interim Romae C. Mamilius Limetanus tribunus plebis rogationem ad populum promulgat, uti quaereretur in eos, quorum consilio Iugurtha senati decreta neglexisset, quique ab eo in legationibus aut imperiis pecunias accepissent, qui elephantos quique perfugas tradidissent, item qui de pace aut bello cum hostibus pactiones fecissent. huic rogationi partim conscii sibi, alii ex partium invidia pericula metuentes, quoniam aperte resistere non poterant, quin illa et alia talia placere sibi faterentur, occulte per amicos ac maxume per homines nominis Latini et socios Italicos impedimenta parabant. sed plebes incredibile memoratu est quam intenta fuerit quantaque vi rogationem iusserit, magis odio nobilitatis, quoi mala illa parabantur, quam cura rei publicae: tanta lubido in partibus erat. igitur ceteris metu perculsis M. Scaurus, quem legatum Bestiae fuisse supra docuimus, inter laetitiam plebis et suorum fugam, trepida etiam tum civitate, quom ex Mamilia rogatione tres quaesitores rogarentur, effecerat, uti ipse in eo numero crearetur. sed quaestio exercita aspere violenterque ex rumore et lubidine plebis: uti saepe nobilitatem, sic ea tempestate plebem ex secundis rebus insolentia ceperat.

Chapter 41

Ceterum mos partium et factionum ac deinde omnium malarum artium paucis ante annis Romae ortus est otio atque abundantia earum rerum, quae prima mortales ducunt. nam ante Carthaginem deletam populus et senatus Romanus placide modesteque inter se rem publicam tractabant, neque gloriae neque dominationis certamen inter civis erat: metus hostilis in bonis artibus civitatem retinebat. sed ubi illa formido mentibus decessit, scilicet ea, quae res secundae amant, lascivia atque superbia incessere. ita quod in advorsis rebus optaverant otium, postquam adepti sunt, asperius acerbiusque fuit. namque coepere nobilitas dignitatem, populus libertatem in lubidinem vortere, sibi quisque ducere trahere rapere. ita omnia in duas partis abstracta sunt, res publica, quae media fuerat, dilacerata. ceterum nobilitas factione magis pollebat, plebis vis soluta atque dispersa in multitudine minus poterat. paucorum arbitrio belli domique agitabatur; penes eosdem aerarium provinciae magistratus gloriae triumphique erant; populus militia atque inopia urgebatur; praedas bellicas imperatores cum paucis diripiebant: interea parentes aut parvi liberi militum, uti quisque potentiori confinis erat, sedibus pellebantur. ita cum potentia avaritia sine modo modestiaque invadere, polluere et vastare omnia, nihil pensi neque sancti habere, quoad semet ipsa praecipitavit. nam ubi primum ex nobilitate reperti sunt, qui veram gloriam iniustae potentiae anteponerent, moveri civitas et dissensio civilis quasi permixtio terrae oriri coepit. nam postquam Ti. et C. Cracchus, quorum maiores Punico atque aliis bellis multum rei publicae addiderant, vindicare plebem in libertatem et paucorum scelera patefacere coepere, nobilitas noxia atque eo perculsa modo per socios ac nomen Latinum, interdum per equites Romanos, quos spes societatis a plebe dimoverat, Gracchorum actionibus obviam ierat; et primo Tiberium, dein paucos post annos eadem ingredientem Gaium, tribunum alterum, alterum triumvirum coloniis deducundis, cum M. Fulvio Flacco ferro necaverat. et sane Gracchis cupidine victoriae haud satis moderatus animus fuit. sed bono vinci satius est quam malo more iniuriam vincere. igitur ea victoria nobilitas ex lubidine sua usa multos mortalis ferro aut fuga extinxit plusque in reliquom sibi timoris quam potentiae addidit. quae res plerumque magnas civitatis pessum dedit, dum alteri alteros vincere quovis modo et victos acerbius ulcisci volunt. sed de studiis partium et omnis civitatis moribus si singillatim aut pro magnitudine parem disserere, tempus quam res maturius me deseret. quam ob rem ad inceptum redeo.

Chapter 43

Post Auli foedus exercitusque nostri foedam fugam Metellus et Silanus consules designati provincias inter se partiverant. Metelloque Numidia evenerat, acri viro et, quamquam advorso populi partium, fama tamen aequabili et inviolata. is ubi primum magistratum ingressus est, alia omnia sibi cum collega ratus, ad bellum, quod gesturus erat, animum intendit. igitur diffidens veteri exercitui milites scribere, praesidia undique arcessere, arma tela equos et cetera instrumenta militiae parare, ad hoc commeatum affatim, denique omnia, quae in bello vario et multarum rerum egenti usui esse solent. ceterum ad ea patranda senatus auctoritate, socii nomenque Latinum et reges ultro auxilia mittundo, postremo omnis civitas summo studio adnitebatur. itaque ex sententia omnibus rebus paratis conpositisque in Numidiam proficiscitur, magna spe civium quom propter artis bonas tum maxume quod advorsum divitias invictum animum gerebat et avaritia magistratuum ante id tempus in Numidia nostrae opes contusae hostiumque auctae erant.

Chapter 44

Sed ubi in Africam venit, exercitus ei traditur a Sp. Albino proconsule iners inbellis, neque periculi neque laboris patiens, lingua quam manu promptior, praedator ex sociis et ipse praeda hostium, sine imperio et modestia habitus. ita imperatori novo plus ex malis moribus sollicitudinis quam ex copia militum auxili aut spei bonae adcedebat. statuit tamen Metellus, quamquam et aestivorum tempus comitiorum mora inminuerat et expectatione eventus civium animos intentos putabat, non prius bellum attingere, quam maiorum disciplina milites laborare coegisset. nam Albinus, Auli fratris exercitusque clade perculsus, postquam decreverat non egredi provincia, quantum temporis aestivorum in imperio fuit, plerumque milites stativis castris habebat, nisi quom odor aut pabuli egestas locum mutare subegerat. sed neque muniebantur, neque more militari vigiliae deducebantur; uti quoique lubebat, ab signis aberat; lixae permixti cum militibus diu noctuque vagabantur, et palantes agros vastare, villas expugnare, pecoris et mancipiorum praedas certantes agere eaque mutare cum mercatoribus vino advecticio et aliis talibus; praeterea frumentum publice datum vendere, panem in dies mercari; postremo quaecumque dici aut fingi queunt ignaviae luxuriaeque probra, ea in illo exercitu cuncta fuere et alia amplius. sed in ea difficultate Metellum non minus quam in rebus hostilibus magnum et sapientem virum fuisse comperior: tanta temperantia inter ambitionem saevitiamque moderatum. namque edicto primum adiumenta ignaviae sustulisse: ne quisquam in castris panem aut alium cibum coctum venderet, ne lixae exercitum sequerentur, ne miles hastatus aut gregarius in castris neve in agmine servom aut iumentum haberet; ceteris arte modum statuisse. praeterea transvorsis itineribus cottidie castra movere, iuxta ac si hostes adessent vallo atque fossa munire, vigilias crebras ponere et eas ipse cum legatis circumire; item in agmine in primis modo, modo in postremis, saepe in medio adesse, ne quispiam ordine egrederetur, ut cum signis frequentes incederent, miles cibum et arma portaret. ita prohibendo a delictis magis quam vindicando exercitum brevi confirmavit.

Chapter 46

Interea Iugurtha, ubi quae Metellus agebat ex nuntiis accepit, simul de innocentia eius certior Roma factus, diffidere suis rebus ac tum demum veram deditionem facere conatus est. igitur legatos ad consulem cum suppliciis mittit, qui tantummodo ipsi liberisque vitam peterent, alia omnia dederent populo Romano. sed Metello iam antea experimentis cognitum erat genus Numidarum infidum, ingenio mobili, novarum rerum avidum esse. itaque legatos alium ab alio divorsos aggreditur ac paulatim temptando, postquam opportunos sibi cognovit, multa pollicendo persuadet, uti Iugurtham maxume vivom, sin id parum procedat, necatum sibi traderent. ceterum palam quae ex voluntate forent regi nuntiari iubet. deinde ipse paucis diebus intento atque infesto exercitu in Numidiam procedit, ubi contra belli faciem tuguria plena hominum, pecora cultoresque in agris erant. ex oppidis et mapalibus praefecti regis obvii procedebant parati frumentum dare, commeatum portare, postremo omnia quae imperarentur facere. neque Metellus idcirco minus, sed pariter ac si hostes adessent munito agmine incedere, late explorare omnia, illa deditionis signa ostentui credere et insidiis locum temptari. itaque ipse cum expeditis cohortibus, item funditorum et sagittariorum delecta manu apud primos erat, in postremo C. Marius legatus cum equitibus curabat, in utrumque latus auxiliarios equites tribunis legionum et praefectis cohortium dispertiverat, ut cum iis permixti velites, quocumque adcederent, equitatus hostium propulsarent. nam in Iugurtha tantus dolus tantaque peritia locorum et militiae erat, ut, absens an praesens, pacem an bellum gerens perniciosior esset, in incerto haberetur.

Chapter 47

Erat haud longe ab eo itinere, quo Metellus pergebat, oppidum Numidarum nomine Vaga, forum rerum venalium totius regni maxume celebratum, ubi et incolere et mercari consueverant Italici generis multi mortales. huc consul, simul temptandi gratia, si paterentur, et ob opportunitates loci, praesidium inposuit. praeterea imperavit frumentum et alia, quae bello usui forent, conportare, ratus, id quod res monebat, frequentiam negotiatorum et commeatu iuvaturam exercitum et iam paratis rebus munimento fore. inter haec negotia Iugurtha impensius modo legatos supplices mittere, pacem orare, praeter suam liberorumque vitam omnia Metello dedere. quos item uti priores consul illectos ad proditionem domum dimittebat, regi pacem, quam postulabat, neque abnuere neque polliceri et inter eas moras promissa legatorum expectare.

Chapter 48

Iugurtha ubi Metelli dicta cum factis conposuit ac se suis artibus temptari animadvortit, quippe quoi verbis pax nuntiabatur, ceterum re bellum asperrumum erat, urbs maxuma alienata, ager hostibus cognitus, animi popularium temptati, coactus rerum necessitudine statuit armis certare. igitur explorato hostium itinere, in spem victoriae adductus ex opportunitate loci, quam maxumas potest copias omnium generum parat ac per tramites occultos exercitum Metelli antevenit.

Erat in ea parte Numidiae, quam Adherbal in divisione possederat, flumen oriens a meridie nomine Muthul, a quo aberat mons ferme milia viginti tractu pari, vastus ab natura et humano cultu. sed ex eo medio quasi collis oriebatur, in inmensum pertingens, vestitus oleastro ac murtetis aliisque generibus arborum, quae humi arido atque harenoso gignuntur. media autem planities deserta penuria aquae praeter flumini propinqua loca; ea consita arbustis pecore atque cultoribus frequentabantur.

Chapter 49

Igitur in eo colle, quem transvorso intinere porrectum docuimus, Iugurtha extenuata suorum acie consedit. elephantis et parti copiarum pedestrium Bomilcarem praefecit eumque edocet quae ageret. ipse propior montem cum omni equitatu et peditibus delectis suos conlocat. dein singulas turmas et manipulos circumiens monet atque obtestatur, uti memores pristinae virtutis et victoriae sese regnumque suom ab Romanorum avaritia defendant: cum iis certamen fore, quos antea victos sub iugum miserint; ducem illis, non animum mutatum; quae ab imperatore decuerint omnia suis provisa, locum superiorem, ut prudentes cum inperitis, ne pauciores cum pluribus aut rudes cum belli melioribus manum consererent. proinde parati intentique essent signo dato Romanos invadere: illum diem aut omnis labores et victorias confirmaturum aut maxumarum aerumnarum initium fore. ad hoc viritim, uti quemque ob militare facinus pecunia aut honore extulerat, conmonefacere benefici sui et eum ipsum aliis ostentare, postremo pro quoiusque ingenio pollicendo minitando obtestando alium alio modo excitare, quom interim Metellus ignarus hostium monte degrediens cum exercitu conspicatur. primo dubius, quidnam insolita facies ostenderet — nam inter virgulta equi Numidaeque consederant, neque plane occultati humilitate arborum et tamen inderti, quidnam esset, quom natura loci tum dolo ipsi atque signa militaria obscurati —, dein brevi cognitis insidiis paulisper agmen constituit. ibi conmutatis ordinibus in dextro latere, quod proxumum hostis erat, triplicibus subsidiis aciem instruxit, inter manipulos funditores et sagittarios dispertit, equitatum omnem in cornibus locat, ac pauca pro tempore milites hortatus aciem, sicuti instruxerat, transvorsis principiis in planum deducit. sed ubi Numidas quietos neque colle degredi animadvortit, veritus ex anni tempore et inopia aquae, ne siti conficeretur exercitus, Rutilium legatum cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitum praemisit ad flumen, uti locum castris antecaperet, existumans hostis crebro impetu et transvorsis proeliis iter suom remoraturos et, quoniam armis diffiderent, lassitudinem et sitim militum temptaturos. deinde ipse pro re atque loco, sicuti monte descenderat, paulatim procedere, Marium post principia habere, ipse cum sinistrae alae equitibus esse, qui in agmine principes facti erant.

At Iugurtha, ubi extremum agmen Metelli primos suos praetergressum videt, praesidio quasi duum milium peditum montem occupat, qua Metellus descenderat, ne forte cedentibus advorsariis receptui ac post munimento foret. dein repente signo dato hostis invadit. Numidae alii postremos caedere, pars a sinistra ac dextra temptare, infensi adesse atque instare, omnibus locis Romanorum ordines conturbare. quorum etiam qui firmioribus animis obvii hostibus fuerant, ludificati incerto proelio ipsi modo eminus sauciabantur, neque contra feriundi aut conserundi manum copia erat. ante iam docti ab Iugurtha equites, ubi Romanorum turma insequi coeperat, non confertim neque in unum sese recipiebant, sed alius alio quam maxume divorsi. ita numero priores, si ab persequendo hostis deterrere nequiverant, disiectos ab tergo aut lateribus circumveniebant; sin opportunior fugae collis quam campi fuerat, ea vero consueti Numidarum equi facile inter virgulta evadere, nostros asperitas et insolentia loci retinebat. ceterum facies totius negoti varia, incerta, foeda atque miserabilis: dispersi a suis pars cedere, alii insequi; neque signa neque ordines observare; ubi quemque periculum ceperat, ibi resistere ac propulsare; arma tela, equi viri, hostes atque cives permixti; nihil consilio neque imperio agi, fors omnia regere. itaque multum diei processerat, quom etiam tum eventus in incerto erat. denique omnibus labore et aestu languidis Metellus, ubi videt Numidas minus instare, paulatim milites in unum conducit, ordines restituit et cohortis legionarias quattuor advorsum pedites hostium conlocat. eorum magna pars superioribus locis fessa consederat. simul orare et hortari milites, ne deficerent neu paterentur hostis fugientis vincere: neque illis castra esse neque munimentum ullum, quo cedentes tenderent; in armis omnia sita. sed ne Iugurtha quidem interea quietus erat: circumire, hortari; renovare proelium et ipse cum delectis temptare omnia; subvenire suis, hostibus dubiis instare, quos firmos cognoverat, eminus pugnando retinere. eo modo inter se duo imperatores, summi viri, certabant, ipsi pares, ceterum opibus disparibus. nam Mello virtus militum erat, locus advorsus; Iugurthae alia omnia praeter milites opportuna. denique Romani, ubi intellegunt neque sibi perfugium esse neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi fieri — et iam die vesper erat —, advorso colle, sicuti praeceptum fuerat, evadunt. amisso loco Numidae fusi fugatique; pauci interiere, plerosque velocitas et regio hostibus ignara tutata sunt.

Interea Bomilcar, quem elephantis et parti copiarum pedestrium praefectum ab Iugurtha supra diximus, ubi eum Rutilius praetergressus est, paulatim suos in aequom locum deducit ac, dum legatus ad flumen, quo praemissus erat, festinans pergit, quietus, uti res postulabat, aciem exornat neque remittit, quid ubique hostis ageret, explorare. postquam Rutilium consedisse iam et animo vacuom accepit, simulque ex Iugurthae proelio clamorem augeri, veritus, ne legatus cognita re laborantibus suis auxilio foret, aciem, quam diffidens virtuti militum arte statuerat, quo hostium itineri officeret, latius porrigit eoque modo ad Rutili castra procedit. Romani ex inproviso pulveris vim magnam animadvortunt; nam prospectum ager arbustis consitus prohibebat. et primo rati humum aridam vento agitari, post ubi aequabilem manere et, sicuti acies movebatur, magis magisque adpropinquare vident, cognita re properantes arma capiunt ac pro castris, sicuti imperabatur, consistunt. deinde ubi propius ventum est, utrimque magno clamore concurritur. Numidae tantummodo remorati, dum in elephantis auxilium putant, postquam eos impeditos ramis arborum atque ita disiectos circumveniri vident, fugam faciunt, ac plerique abiectis armis collis aut noctis, quae iam aderat, auxilio integri abeunt. elephanti quattuor capti, reliqui omnes numero quadraginta interfecti. at Romani, quamquam itinere atque opere castrorum et proelio fessi laetique erant, tamen, quod Metellus amplius opinione morabatur, instructi intentique obviam procedunt; nam dolus Numidarum nihil languidi neque remissi patiebatur. ac primo obscura nocte, postquam haud procul inter se erant, strepitu velut hostes adventare, alteri apud alteros formidinem simul et tumultum facere; et paene inprudentia admissum facinus miserabile, ni utrimque praemissi equites rem exploravissent. igitur pro metu repente gaudium mutatur: milites alius alium laeti appellant, acta edocent atque audiunt, sua quisque fortia facta ad caelum fert. quippe res humanae ita sese habent: in victoria vel ignavis gloriari licet, advorsae res etiam bonos detrectant.

Chapter 54

Metellus in isdem castris quatriduom moratus saucios cum cura reficit, meritos in proeliis more militiae donat, univorsos in contione laudat atque agit gratias, hortatur, ad cetera, quae levia sunt, parem animum gerant: pro victoria satis iam pugnatum, reliquos labores pro praeda fore. tamen interim transfugas et alios opportunos, Iugurtha ubi gentium aut quid agitaret, cum paucisne esset an exercitum haberet, ut sese victus gereret, exploratum misit. at ille sese in loca saltuosa et natura munita receperat ibique cogebat exercitum numero hominum ampliorem, sed hebetem infirmumque, agri ac pecoris magis quam belli cultorem. id ea gratia eveniebat, quod praeter regios equites nemo omnium Numida ex fuga regem sequitur. quo quoiusque animus fert, eo discedunt, neque id flagitium militiae ducitur: ita se mores habent.

Igitur Metellus, ubi videt etiam tum regis animum ferocem esse, bellum renovari, quod nisi ex illius lubidine geri non posset, praeterea iniquom certamen sibi cum hostibus, minore detrimento illos vinci quam suos vincere, statuit non proeliis neque in acie sed alio more bellum gerundum. itaque in loca Numidiae opulentissuma pergit, agros vastat, multa castella et oppida temere munita aut sine praesidio capit incenditque, puberes interficit, iubet alia omnia militum praedam esse. ea formidine multi mortales Romanis dediti; obsides, frumentum et alia, quae usui forent, affatim praebita; ubicumque res postulabat, praesidium inpositum. quae negotia multo magis quam proelium male pugnatum ab suis regem terrebant; quippe, quoius spes omnis in fuga sita erat, sequi cogebatur et, qui sua loca defendere nequiverat, in alienis bellum gerere. tamen ex copia quod optumum videbatur consilium capit: exercitum plerumque in isdem locis opperiri iubet, ipse cum delectis equitibus Metellum sequitur, nocturnis et aviis itineribus ignoratus Romanos palantis repente aggreditur. eorum plerique inermes cadunt, multi capiuntur, nemo omnium intactus profugit, et Numidae, prius quam ex castris subveniretur, sicuti iussi erant, in proxumos collis discedunt.

Chapter 55

Interim Romae gaudium ingens ortum cognitis Metelli rebus, ut seque et exercitum more maiorum gereret, in advorso loco victor tamen virtute fuisset, hostium agro potiretur, Iugurtham magnificum ex Albini socordia spem salutis in solitudine aut fuga coegisset habere. itaque senatus ob ea feliciter acta dis inmortalibus supplicia decernere; civitas, trepida antea et sollicita de belli eventu, laeta agere; de Metello fama praeclara esse. igitur eo intentior ad victoriam niti, omnibus modis festinare, cavere tamen, necubi hosti opportunus fieret, meminisse post gloriam invidiam sequi. ita, quo clarior erat, eo magis anxius erat, neque post insidias Iugurthae effuso exercitu praedari; ubi frumento aut pabulo opus erat, cohortes cum omni equitatu praesidium agitabant; exercitus partem ipse, reliquos Marius ducebat. sed igni magis quam praeda ager vastabatur. duobus locis haud longe inter se castra faciebant; ubi vi opus erat, cuncti aderant; ceterum, quo fuga atque formido latius cresceret, divorsi agebant. eo tempore Iugurtha per collis sequi, tempus aut locum pugnae quaerere, qua venturum hostem audierat, pabulum et aquarum fontis, quorum penuria erat, corrumpere, modo se Metello interdum Mario ostendere, postremos in agmine temptare ac statim in collis regredi, rursus aliis, post aliis minitari, neque proelium facere neque otium pati, tantummodo hostem ab incepto retinere.

Chapter 56

Romanus imperator ubi se dolis fatigari videt neque ab hoste copiam pugnandi fieri, urbem magnam et in ea parte, qua sita erat, arcem regni nomine Zamam statuit oppugnare, ratus, id quod negotium poscebat, Iugurtham laborantibus suis auxilio venturum ibique proelium fore. at ille, quae parabantur a perfugis edoctus, magnis itineribus Metellum antevenit. oppidanos hortatur, moenia defendant, additis auxilio perfugis, quod genus ex copiis regis, quia fallere nequibat, firmissumum erat; praeterea pollicetur in tempore semet cum exercitu adfore. ita conpositis rebus in loca quam maxume occulta discedit, ac post paulo cognoscit Marium ex itinere frumentatum cum paucis cohortibus Siccam missum, quod oppidum primum omnium post malam pugnam ab rege defecerat. eo cum delectis equitibus noctu pergit et iam egredientibus Romanis in porta pugnam facit, simul magna voce Siccensis hortatur, uti cohortis ab tergo circumveniant: fortunam illis praeclari facinoris casum dare; si id fecerint, postea sese in regno, illos in libertate sine metu aetatem acturos. ac ni Marius signa inferre atque evadere oppido properavisset, profecto cuncti aut magna pars Siccensium fidem mutavissent: tanta mobilitate sese Numidae gerunt. sed milites Iugurthini, paulisper ab rege sustentati, postquam maiore vi hostes urgent, paucis amissis profugi discedunt.

Marius ad Zamam pervenit. id oppidum, in campo situm, magis opere quam natura munitum erat, nullius idoneae rei egens, armis virisque opulentum. igitur Metellus pro tempore atque loco paratis rebus cuncta moenia exercitu circumvenit, legatis imperat, ubi quisque curaret. deinde signo dato undique simul clamor ingens oritur, neque ea res Numidas terret: infensi intentique sine tumultu manent, proelium incipitur. Romani, pro ingenio quisque, pars eminus glande aut lapidibus pugnare, alii succedere ac murum modo subfodere modo scalis aggredi, cupere proelium in manibus facere. contra ea oppidani in proxumos saxa volvere, sudis, pila, praeterea picem sulphure et taeda mixtam ardentia mittere. sed ne illos quidem, qui procul manserant, timor animi satis muniverat; nam plerosque iacula tormentis aut manu emissa volnerabant, parique periculo sed fama inpari boni atque ignavi erant.

Chapter 58

Dum apud Zamam sic certatur, Iugurtha ex inproviso castra hostium cum magna manu invadit; remissis qui in praesidio erant et omnia magis quam proelium expectantibus portam inrumpit. at nostri repentino metu perculsi sibi quisque pro moribus consulunt; alii fugere, alii arma capere; magna pars volnerati aut occisi. ceterum ex omni multitudine non amplius quadraginta memores nominis Romani grege facto locum cepere paulo quam alii editiorem, neque inde maxuma vi depelli quiverunt, sed tela eminus missa remittere, pauci in pluribus minus frustrari; sin Numidae propius adcessissent, ibi vero virtutem ostendere et eos maxuma vi caedere, fundere atque fugare. interim Metellus quom acerrume rem gereret, clamorem hostilem a tergo accepit, dein convorso equo animadvortit fugam ad se vorsum fieri, quae res indicabat popularis esse. igitur equitatum omnem ad castra propere misit ac statim C. Marium cum cohortibus sociorum, eumque lacrumans per amicitiam perque rem publicam obsecrat, ne quam contumeliam remanere in exercitu victore neve hostis inultos abire sinat. ille brevi mandata efficit. at Iugurtha munimento castrorum impeditus, quom alii super vallum praecipitarentur, alii in angustiis ipsi sibi properantes officerent, multis amissis in loca munita sese recepit. Metellus infecto negotio, postquam nox aderat, in castra cum exercitu revortitur.

Chapter 59

Igitur postero die, prius quam ad oppugnandum egrederetur, equitatum omnem in ea parte, qua regis adventus erat, pro castris agitare iubet, portas et proxuma loca tribunis dispertit, deinde ipse pergit ad oppidum atque uti superiore die murum aggreditur. interim Iugurtha ex occulto repente nostros invadit: qui in proxumo locati fuerant, paulisper territi perturbantur, reliqui cito subveniunt. neque diutius Numidae resistere quivissent, ni pedites cum equitibus permixti magnam cladem in congressu facerent. quibus illi freti non, uti equestri proelio solet, sequi, dein cedere, sed advorsis equis concurrere, implicare ac perturbare aciem: ita expeditis peditibus suis hostis paene victos dare.

Chapter 60

Eodem tempore apud Zamam magna vi certabatur. ubi quisque legatus aut tribunus curabat, eo acerrume niti, neque alius in alio magis quam in sese spem habere; pariterque oppidani agere: oppugnare aut parare omnibus locis, avidius alteri alteros sauciare quam semet tegere, clamor permixtus hortatione laetitia gemitu, item strepitus armorum ad caelum ferri, tela utrimque volare. sed illi, qui moenia defensabant, ubi hostes paulum modo pugnam remiserant, intenti proelium equestre prospectabant. eos, uti quaeque Iugurthae res erant, laetos modo, modo pavidos animadvorteres; ac, sicuti audiri a suis aut cerni possent, monere alii, alii hortari, aut manu significare aut niti corporibus, et ea huc et illuc quasi vitabundi aut iacientes tela agitare. quod ubi Mario cognitum est — nam is in ea parte curabat —, consulto lenius agere ac diffidentiam rei simulare, pati Numidas sine tumultu regis proelium visere. ita illis studio suorum adstrictis repente magna vi aggreditur. et iam scalis egressi milites prope summa ceperant, quom oppidani concurrunt; lapides, ignem, alia praeterea tela ingerunt. nostri primo resistere; deinde ubi unae atque alterae scalae conminutae, qui supersteterant adflicti sunt, ceteri, quoquo modo potuere, pauci integri, magna pars volneribus confecti abeunt. denique utrimque proelium nox diremit.

Chapter 61

Metellus postquam videt frustra inceptum neque oppidum capi neque Iugurtham nisi ex insidiis aut suo loco pugnam facere et iam aestatem exactam esse, ab Zama discedit et in iis urbibus, quae ad se defecerant satisque munitae loco aut moenibus erant, praesidia inponit. ceterum exercitum in provinciam, quae proxuma est Numidiae, hiemandi gratia conlocat. neque id tempus ex aliorum more quieti aut luxuriae concedit, sed, quoniam armis bellum parum procedebat, insidias regi per amicos tendere et eorum perfidia pro armis uti parat. igitur Bomilcarem, qui Romae cum Iugurtha fuerat et inde vadibus datis clam de Massivae nece iudicium fugerat, quod ei per maxumam amicitiam maxuma copia fallundi erat, multis pollicitationibus aggreditur. ac primo efficit, uti ad se conloquundi gratia occultus veniat; deinde fide data, si Iugurtham vivom aut necatum sibi tradidisset, fore ut illi senatus inpunitatem et sua omnia concederet, facile Numidae persuadet, quom ingenio infido tum metuenti, ne, si pax cum Romanis fieret, ipse per condiciones ad supplicium traderetur. is, ubi primum opportunum fuit, Iugurtham anxium ac miserantem fortunas suas adcedit, monet atque lacrumans obtestatur, uti aliquando sibi liberisque et genti Numidarum optume meritae provideat: omnibus proeliis sese victos, agrum vastatum, multos mortalis captos occisos, regni opes conminutas esse; satis saepe iam et virtutem militum et fortunam temptatam; caveat, ne illo cunctante Numidae sibi consulant. his atque talibus aliis ad deditionem regis animum inpellit. mittuntur ad imperatorem legati, qui Iugurtham imperata facturum dicerent ac sine ulla pactione sese regnumque suom in illius fidem tradere. Metellus propere cunctos senatorii ordinis ex hibernis accersi iubet; eorum et aliorum, quos idoneos ducebat, consilium habet. ita more maiorum ex consili decreto per legatos Iugurthae imperat argenti pondo ducenta milia, elephantos omnis, equorum et armorum aliquantum. quae postquam sine mora facta sunt, iubet omnis perfugas vinctos adduci. eorum magna pars, uti iussum erat, adducti; pauci, quom primum deditio coepit, ad regem Bocchum in Mauretaniam abierant. igitur Iugurtha, ubi armis virisque et pecunia spoliatus est, quom ipse ad imperandum Tisidium vocaretur, rursus coepit flectere animum suom et ex mala conscientia digna timere. denique multis diebus per dubitationem consumptis, quom modo taedio rerum advorsarum omnia bello potiora duceret, interdum secum ipse reputaret, quam gravis casus in servitium ex regno foret, multis magnisque praesidiis nequiquam perditis de integro bellum sumit. et Romae senatus de provinciis consultus Numidiam Metello decreverat.

Chapter 63

Per idem tempus Uticae forte C. Mario per hostias dis supplicanti magna atque mirabilia portendi haruspex dixerat: proinde quae animo agitabat, fretus dis ageret, fortunam quam saepissume experiretur; cuncta prospere eventura. at illum iam antea consulatus ingens cupido exagitabat, ad quem capiundum praeter vetustatem familiae alia omnia abunde erant: industria, probitas, militiae magna scientia, animus belli ingens domi modicus, lubidinis et divitiarum victor, tantummodo gloriae avidus.

Sed is natus et omnem pueritiam Arpini altus, ubi primum aetas militiae patiens fuit, stipendiis faciundis, non Graeca facundia neque urbanis munditiis sese exercuit: ita inter artis bonas integrum ingenium brevi adolevit. ergo, ubi primum tribunatum militarem a populo petit, plerisque faciem eius ignorantibus, factis notus per omnis tribus declaratur. deinde ab eo magistratu alium, post alium sibi peperit, semperque in potestatibus eo modo agitabat, ut ampliore quam gerebat dignus haberetur. tamen is ad id locorum talis vir — nam postea ambitione praeceps datus est — consulatum adpetere non audebat. etiam tum alios magistratus plebs, consulatum nobilitas inter se per manus tradebat. novos nemo tam clarus neque tam egregiis factis erat, quin indignus illo honore et is quasi pollutus haberetur.

Igitur ubi Marius haruspicis dicta eodem intendere videt, quo cupido animi hortabatur, ab Metello petundi gratia missionem rogat. quoi quamquam virtus, gloria atque alia optanda bonis superabant, tamen inerat contemptor animus et superbia, commune nobilitatis malum. itaque primum conmotus insolita re mirari eius consilium et quasi per amicitiam monere, ne tam prava inciperet neu super fortunam animum gereret: non omnia omnibus cupiunda esse, debere illi res suas satis placere; postremo caveret id petere a populo Romano, quod illi iure negaretur. postquam haec atque alia talia dixit neque animus Mari flectitur, respondit, ubi primum potuisset per negotia publica, facturum sese quae peteret. ac postea saepius eadem postulanti fertur dixisse, ne festinaret abire: satis mature illum cum filio suo consulatum petiturum. is eo tempore contubernio patris ibidem militabat, annos natus circiter viginti. quae res Marium quom pro honore, quem adfectabat, tum contra Metellum vehementer accenderat. ita cupidine atque ira, pessumis consultoribus, grassari; neque facto ullo neque dicto abstinere, quod modo ambitiosum foret; milites, quibus in hibernis praeerat, laxiore imperio quam antea habere; apud negotiatores, quorum magna multitude Uticae erat, criminose simul et magnifice de bello loqui: dimidia pars exercitus si sibi permitteretur, paucis diebus Iugurtham in catenis habiturum; ab imperatore consulto trahi, quod homo inanis et regiae superbiae imperio nimis gauderet. quae omnia illis eo firmiora videbantur, quia diuturnitate belli res familiaris corruperant et animo cupienti nihil satis festinatur. erat praeterea in exercitu nostro Numida quidam nomine Gauda, Mastanabalis filius, Masinissae nepos, quem Micipsa testamento secundum heredem scripserat, morbis confectus et ob eam causam mente paulum inminuta. quoi Metellus petenti, more regum ut sellam iuxta poneret, item postea custodiae causa turmam equitum Romanorum, utrumque negaverat: honorem, quod eorum modo foret, quos populus Romanus reges appellavisset; praesidium, quod contumeliosum in eos foret, si equites Romani satellites Numidae traderentur. hunc Marius anxium aggreditur atque hortatur, ut contumeliarum in imperatorem cum suo auxilio poenas petat. hominem ob morbos animo parum valido secunda oratione extollit: illum regem, ingentem virum, Masinissae nepotem esse; si Iugurtha captus aut occisus foret, imperium Numidiae sine mora habiturum; id adeo mature posse evenire, si ipse consul ad id bellum missus foret. itaque et illum et equites Romanos, milites et negotiatores, alios ipse, plerosque pacis spes inpellit, uti Romam ad suos necessarios aspere in Metellum de bello scribant, Marium imperatorem poscant. sic illi a multis mortalibus honestissuma suffragatione consulatus petebatur. simul ea tempestate plebs nobilitate fusa per legem Mamiliam novos extollebat. ita Mario cuncta procedere.

Chapter 66

Interim Iugurtha, postquam omissa deditione bellum incipit, cum magna cura parare omnia, festinare: cogere exercitum; civitatis, quae ab se defecerant, formidine aut ostentando praemia adfectare; conmunire suos locos, arma tela aliaque, quae spe pacis amiserat, reficere aut conmercari; servitia Romanorum adlicere et eos ipsos, qui in praesidiis erant, pecunia temptare; prorsus nihil intactum neque quietum pati, cuncta agitare. igitur Vagenses, quo Metellus initio Iugurtha pacificante praesidium imposuerat, fatigati regis suppliciis neque antea voluntate alienati, principes civitatis inter se coniurant. nam volgus, uti plerumque solet et maxume Numidarum, ingenio mobili, seditiosum atque discordiosum erat, cupidum novarum rerum, quieti et otio advorsum. dein conpositis inter se rebus in diem tertium constituunt, quod is festus celebratusque per omnem Africam ludum et lasciviam magis quam formidinem ostentabat. sed ubi tempus fuit, centuriones tribunosque militaris et ipsum praefectum oppidi T. Turpilium Silanum alius alium domos suas invitant. eos omnis praeter Turpilium inter epulas obtruncant, postea milites palantis inermos, quippe in tali die ac sine imperio, aggrediuntur. idem plebes facit, pars edocti ab nobilitate, alii studio talium rerum incitati, quis acta consiliumque ignorantibus tumultus ipse et res novae satis placebant. Romani milites, inproviso metu incerti ignarique, quid potissumum facerent, trepidare. arcem oppidi, ubi signa et scuta erant, praesidium hostium obsidebat; portae ante clausae fugam prohibebant; ad hoc mulieres puerique pro tectis aedificiorum saxa et alia, quae locus praebebat, certatim mittere. ita neque caveri anceps malum neque a fortissumis infirmissumo generi resisti posse: iuxta boni malique, strenui et inbelles inulti obtruncari. in ea tanta asperitate saevissumis Numidis et oppido undique clauso Turpilius praefectus unus ex omnibus Italicis intactus profugit. id misericordiane hospitis an pactione aut casu ita evenerit, parum comperimus, nisi, quia illi in tanto malo turpis vita integra fama potior fuit, inprobus intestabilisque videtur.

Chapter 68

Metellus postquam de rebus Vagae actis comperit, paulisper maestus ex conspectu abit. deinde ubi ira et aegritudo permixta sunt, cum maxuma cura ultum ire iniurias festinat. legionem, cum qua hiemabat, et quam plurumos potest Numidas equites pariter cum occasu solis expedites educit et postera die circiter hora tertia pervenit in quandam planitiem locis paulo superioribus circumventam. ibi milites fessos itineris magnitudine et iam abnuentis omnia docet oppidum Vagam non amplius mille passuum abesse, decere illos reliquom laborem aequo animo pati, dum pro civibus suis, viris fortissumis atque miserrumis, poenas caperent; praeterea praedam benigne ostentat. sic animis eorum adrectis equites in primo late, pedites quam artissume ire et signa occultare iubet. Vagenses ubi animum advortere ad se vorsum exercitum pergere, primo, uti erat res, Metellum esse rati portas clausere; deinde ubi neque agros vastari et eos, qui primi aderant, Numidas equites vident, rursum Iugurtham arbitrati cum magno gaudio obvii procedunt. equites peditesque repente signo dato alii volgum effusum oppido caedere, alii ad portas festinare, pars turris capere: ira atque praedae spes amplius quam lassitudo posse. ita Vagenses biduom modo ex perfidia laetati; civitas magna et opulens cuncta poenae aut praedae fuit. Turpilius, quem praefectum oppidi unum ex omnibus profugisse supra ostendimus, iussus a Metello causam dicere, postquam sese parum expurgat, condemnatus verberatusque capite poenas solvit; nam is civis ex Latio erat.

Chapter 70

Per idem tempus Bomilcar, quoius impulsu Iugurtha deditionem, quam metu deseruit, inceperat, suspectus regi et ipse eum suspicions novas res cupere, ad perniciem eius dolum quaerere, die noctuque fatigare animum. denique omnia temptando socium sibi adiungit Nabdalsam. hominem nobilem, magnis opibus, clarum acceptumque popularibus suis, qui plerumque seorsum ab rege exercitum ductare et omnis res exequi solitus erat, quae Iugurthae fesso aut maioribus adstricto superaverant; ex quo illi gloria opesque inventae. igitur utriusque consilio dies insidiis statuitur; cetera, uti res posceret, ex tempore parari placuit. Nabdalsa ad exercitum profectus, quem inter hiberna Romanorum iussus habebat, ne ager inultis hostibus vastaretur. is postquam magnitudine facinoris perculsus ad tempus non venit metusque rem impediebat, Bomilcar, simul cupidus incepta patrandi et timore soci anxius, ne omisso vetere consilio novom quaereret, litteras ad eum per homines fidelis mittit, in quis mollitiam socordiamque viri accusare, testari deos, per quos iuravisset, monere, ne praemia Metelli in pestem convorteret: Iugurthae exitium adesse, ceterum suane an Metelli virtute periret, id modo agitari; proinde reputaret cum animo suo, praemia an cruciatum mallet. sed quom eae litterae adlatae, forte Nabdalsa exercito corpore fessus in lecto quiescebat, ubi cognitis Bomilcaris verbis primo cura, deinde, uti aegrum animum solet, somnus cepit. erat ei Numida quidam negotiorum curator, fidus acceptusque et omnium consiliorum nisi novissumi particeps. qui postquam adlatas litteras audivit et ex consuetudine ratus opera aut ingenio suo opus esse in tabernaculum introiit, dormiente illo epistulam super caput in pulvino temere positam sumit ac perlegit, dein propere cognitis insidiis ad regem pergit. Nabdalsa paulo post experrectus ubi neque epistulam repperit et rem omnem, uti acta erat, cognovit, primo indicem persequi conatus, postquam id frustra fuit, Iugurtham placandi gratia adcedit: dicit. quae ipse paravisset facere, perfidia clientis sui praeventa; lacrumans obtestatur per amicitiam perque sua antea fideliter acta, ne super tali scelere suspectum sese haberet. ad ea rex, aliter atque animo gerebat, placide respondit. Bomilcare aliisque multis, quos socios insidiarum cognoverat, interfectis iram oppresserat, ne qua ex eo negotio seditio oreretur. neque post id locorum Iugurthae dies aut nox ulla quieta fuit: neque loco neque mortali quoiquam aut tempori satis credere, civis hostisque iuxta metuere, circumspectare omnia et omni strepitu pavescere, alio atque alio loco, saepe contra decus regium, noctu requiescere, interdum somno excitus arreptis armis tumultum facere: ita formidine quasi vecordia exagitari.

Chapter 73

Igitur Metellus, ubi de casu Bomilcaris et indicio patefacto ex perfugis cognovit, rursus tamquam ad integrum bellum cuncta parat festinatque. Marium fatigantem de profectione, simul et invitum et offensum sibi parum idoneum ratus, domum dimittit. et Romae plebes litteris, quae de Metello ac Mario missae erant, cognitis volenti animo de ambobus acceperant. imperatori nobilitas, quae antea decori fuit, invidiae esse; at illi alteri generis humilitas favorem addiderat. ceterum in utroque magis studia partium quam bona aut mala sua moderata. praeterea seditiosi magistratus volgum exagitare, Metellum omnibus contionibus capitis arcessere, Mari virtutem in maius celebrare. denique plebes sic accensa, uti opifices agrestesque omnes, quorum res fidesque in manibus sitae erant, relictis operibus frequentarent Marium et sua necessaria post illius honorem ducerent. ita perculsa nobilitate post multas tempestates novo homini consulatus mandatur. et postea populus a tribune plebis T. Manlio Mancino rogatus, quem vellet cum Iugurtha bellum gerere, frequens Marium iussit. sed paulo ... decreverat: ea res frustra fuit.

Eodem tempore Iugurtha amissis amicis, quorum plerosque ipse necaverat, ceteri formidine pars ad Romanos, alii ad regem Bocchum profugerant, quom neque bellum geri sine administris posset et novorum fidem in tanta perfidia veterum experiri periculosum duceret, varius incertusque agitabat. neque illi res neque consilium aut quisquam hominum satis placebat: itinera praefectosque in dies mutare; modo advorsum hostis, interdum in solitudines pergere; saepe in fuga ac post paulo in armis spem habere; dubitare, virtuti an fidei popularium minus crederet: ita quocumque intenderat, res advorsae erant. sed inter eas moras repente sese Metellus cum exercitu ostendit. Numidae ab Iugurtha pro tempore parati instructique, dein proelium incipitur. qua in parte rex pugnae adfuit, ibi aliquamdiu certatum, ceteri eius omnes milites primo congressu pulsi fugatique. Romani signorum et armorum aliquanto numero, hostium paucorum potiti; nam ferme Numidis in omnibus proeliis magis pedes quam arma tuta sunt.

Chapter 75

Ea fuga Iugurtha impensius modo rebus suis diffidens cum perfugis et parte equitatus in solitudines, dein Thalam pervenit, in oppidum magnum atque opulentum, ubi plerique thesauri filiorumque eius multus pueritiae cultus erat. quae postquam Metello comperta sunt, quamquam inter Thalam flumenque proxumum in spatio milium quinquaginta loca arida atque vasta esse cognoverat, tamen spe patrandi belli, si eius oppidi potitus foret, omnis asperitates supervadere ac naturam etiam vincere aggreditur. igitur omnia iumenta sarcinis levari iubet nisi frumento dierum decem, ceterum utris modo et alia aquae idonea portari. praeterea conquirit ex agris quam plurumum potest domiti pecoris eoque inponit vasa quoiusque modi, sed pleraque lignea collecta ex tuguriis Numidarum; ad hoc finitumis imperat, qui se post regis fugam Metello dederant, quam plurumum quisque aquae portaret; diem locumque, ubi praesto fuerint, praedicit; ipse ex flumine, quam proxumam oppido aquam esse supra diximus, iumenta onerat: eo modo instructus ad Thalam proficiscitur. deinde ubi ad id loci ventum, quo Numidis praeceperat, et castra posita munitaque sunt, tanta repente caelo missa vis aquae dicitur, ut ea modo exercitui satis superque foret. praeterea commeatus spe amplior, quia Numidae, sicuti plerique in nova deditione, officia intenderant. ceterum milites religione pluvia magis usi, eaque res multum animis eorum addidit, nam rati sese dis inmortalibus curae esse. deinde postero die contra opinionem Iugurthae ad Thalam perveniunt. oppidani, qui se locorum asperitate munitos crediderant, magna atque insolita re perculsi, nihilo segnius bellum parare; idem nostri facere. sed rex, nihil iam infectum Metello credens, quippe qui omnia, arma tela, locos tempora, denique naturam ipsam ceteris imperitantem industria vicerat, cum liberis et magna parte pecuniae ex oppido noctu profugit. neque postea in ullo loco amplius uno die aut una nocte moratus, simulabat sese negoti gratia properare, ceterum proditionem timebat, quam vitare posse celeritate putabat: nam talia consilia per otium et ex opportunitate capi. at Metellus, ubi oppidanos proelio intentos, simul oppidum et operibus et loco munitum videt, vallo fossaque moenia circumvenit. dein duobus locis ex copia maxume idoneis vineas agere, aggerem iacere et super aggerem inpositis turribus opus et administros tutari; contra haec oppidani festinare, parare; prorsus ab utrisque nihil reliquom fieri. denique Romani, multo ante labore proeliisque fatigati, post dies quadraginta quam eo ventum erat, oppido modo potiti; praeda omnis ab perfugis corrupta. ii postquam murum arietibus feriri resque suas adflictas vident, aurum atque argentum et alia, quae prima ducuntur, domum regiam conportant. ibi vino et epulis onerati illaque et domum et semet igni corrumpunt, et, quas victi ab hostibus poenas metuerant, eas ipsi volentes pependere.

Chapter 77

Sed pariter cum capta Thala legati ex oppido Lepci ad Metellum venerant orantes, uti praesidium praefectumque eo mitteret: Hamilcarem quendam, hominem nobilem factiosum, novis rebus studere, advorsum quem neque imperia magistratuum neque leges valerent; ni id festinaret, in summo periculo suam salutem, illorum socios fore. nam Lepcitani iam inde a principio belli Iugurthini ad Bestiam consulem et postea Romam miserant amicitiam societatemque rogatum. deinde ubi ea impetrata, semper boni fidelesque mansere et cuncta a Bestia, Albino Metelloque imperata nave fecerant. itaque ab imperatore facile quae petebant adepti. emissae eo cohortes Ligurum quattuor et C. Annius praefectus.

Chapter 78

Id oppidum ab Sidoniis conditum est, quos accepimus profugos ob discordias civilis navibus in eos locos venisse, ceterum situm inter duas Syrtis, quibus nomen ex re inditum. nam duo sunt sinus prope in extrema Africa, inpares magnitudine, pari natura; quorum proxuma terrae praealta sunt, cetera uti fors tulit alta alia, alia vadosa. nam ubi mare magnum esse et saevire ventis coepit, limum harenamque et saxa ingentia fluctus trahunt: ita facies locorum cum ventis simul mutatur. Syrtes ab tractu nominatae. eius civitatis lingua modo convorsa conubio Numidarum, legum cultusque pleraque Sidonica; quae eo facilius retinebant, quod procul ab imperio regis aetatem agebant. inter illos et frequentem Numidiam multi vastique loci erant.

Chapter 79

Sed quoniam in eas regiones per Lepcitanorum negotia venimus, non indignum videtur egregium atque mirabile facinus duorum Carthaginiensium memorare; eam rem nos locus admonuit. qua tempestate Carthaginienses pleraque Africa imperitabant, Cyrenenses quoque magni atque opulenti fuere. ager in medio harenosus, una specie; neque flumen neque mons erat, qui finis eorum discerneret. quae res eos in magno diuturnoque bello inter se habuit. postquam utrimque legiones, item classes saepe fusae fugataeque et alteri alteros aliquantum adtriverant, veriti, ne mox victos victoresque defessos alius aggrederetur, per indutias sponsionem faciunt, uti certo die legati domo proficiscerentur: quo in loco inter se obvii fuissent, is communis utriusque populi finis haberetur. igitur Carthagine duo fratres missi, quibus nomen Philaenis erat, maturavere iter pergere. Cyrenenses tardius iere. id socordiane an casu accident, parum cognovi. ceterum solet in illis locis tempestas haud secus atque in mari retinere. nam ubi per loca aequalia et nuda gignentium ventus coortus harenam humo excitavit, ea magna vi agitata ora oculosque inplere solet: ita prospectu impedito morari iter. postquam Cyrenenses aliquanto posteriores se esse vident et ob rem corruptam domi poenas metuont, criminari Carthaginiensis ante tempus domo digressos, conturbare rem, denique omnia malle quam victi abire. sed quom Poeni aliam condicionem, tantummodo aequam, peterent, Graeci optionem Carthaginiensium faciunt, ut vel illi, quos finis populo suo peterent, ibi vivi obruerentur, vel eadem condicione sese quem in locum vellent processuros. Philaeni condicione probata seque vitamque suam rei publicae condonavere: ita vivi obruti. Carthaginienses in eo loco Philaenis fratribus aras consecravere, aliique illis domi honores instituti. nunc ad rem redeo.

Chapter 80

Iugurtha postquam amissa Thala nihil satis firmum contra Metellum putat, per magnas solitudines cum paucis profectus pervenit ad Gaetulos, genus hominum ferum incultumque et eo tempore ignarum nominis Romani. eorum multitudinem in unum cogit ac paulatim consuefacit ordines habere, signa sequi, imperium observare, item alia militaria facere. praeterea regis Bocchi proxumos magnis muneribus et maioribus promissis ad studium sui perducit, quis adiutoribus regem aggressus inpellit, uti advorsus Romanos bellum incipiat. id ea gratia facilius proniusque fuit, quod Bocchus initio huiusce belli legatos Romam miserat foedus et amicitiam petitum, quam rem opportunissumam incepto bello pauci impediverant caeci avaritia, quis omnia honesta atque inhonesta vendere mos erat. et iam antea Iugurthae filia Boccho nupserat. verum ea necessitudo apud Numidas Maurosque levis ducitur, quia singuli pro opibus quisque quam plurumas uxores, denas alii, alii pluris habent, sed reges eo amplius. ita animus multitudine distrahitur: nulla pro socia obtinet, pariter omnes viles sunt. igitur in locum ambobus placitum exercitus conveniunt. ibi fide data et accepta Iugurtha Bocchi animum oratione accendit: Romanos iniustos, profunda avaritia, communis omnium hostis esse; eandem illos causam belli cum Boccho habere, quam secum et cum aliis gentibus, lubidinem imperitandi, quis omnia regna advorsa sint; tum sese, paulo ante Carthaginiensis, item regem Persen, post uti quisque opulentissumus videatur, ita Romanis hostem fore. his atque aliis talibus dictis ad Cirtam oppidum iter constituunt, quod ibi Q. Metellus praedam captivosque et impedimenta locaverat. ita Iugurtha ratus aut capta urbe operae pretium fore aut, si Romanus auxilio suis venisset, proelio sese certaturos. nam callidus id modo festinabat, Bocchi pacem inminuere, ne moras agitando aliud quam bellum mallet.

Chapter 82

Imperator postquam de regum societate cognovit, non temere neque, uti saepe iam victo Iugurtha consueverat, omnibus locis pugnandi copiam facit. ceterum haud procul ab Cirta castris munitis reges opperitur, melius esse ratus cognitis Mauris, quoniam is novos hostis adcesserat, ex commodo pugnam facere. interim Roma per litteras certior fit provinciam Numidiam Mario datam; nam consulem factum ante acceperat. quibus rebus supra bonum aut honestum perculsus neque lacrumas tenere neque moderari linguam, vir egregius in aliis artibus nimis molliter aegritudinem pati. quam rem alii in superbiam vortebant, alii bonum ingenium contumelia accensum esse, multi quod iam parta victoria ex manibus eriperetur. nobis satis cognitum est illum magis honore Mari quam iniuria sua excruciatum, neque tam anxie laturum fuisse, si adempta provincia alii quam Mario traderetur. igitur eo dolore impeditus et quia stultitiae videbatur alienam rem periculo suo curare, legatos ad Bocchum mittit postulatum, ne sine causa hostis populo Romano fieret: habere tum magnam copiam societatis amicitiaeque coniungundae, quae potior bello esset, et, quamquam opibus suis confideret, tamen non debere incerta pro certis mutare. omne bellum sumi facile, ceterum aegerrume desinere; non in eiusdem potestate initium eius et finem esse; incipere quoivis etiam ignavo licere, deponi quom victores velint. proinde sibi regnoque suo consuleret neu florentis res suas cum Iugurthae perditis misceret. ad ea rex satis placide verba facit: sese pacem cupere, sed Iugurthae fortunarum misereri; si eadem illi copia fieret, omnia conventura. rursus imperator contra postulata Bocchi nuntios mittit; ille probare partim, alia abnuere. eo modo saepe ab utroque missis remissisque nuntiis tempus procedere, et ex Metelli voluntate bellum intactum trahi.

Chapter 84

At Marius, ut supra diximus, cupientissuma plebe consul factus, postquam ei provinciam Numidiam populus iussit, antea iam infestus nobilitati, tum vero multus atque ferox instare; singulos modo, modo univorsos laedere; dictitare sese consulatum ex victis illis spolia cepisse, alia praeterea magnifica pro se et illis dolentia. interim quae bello opus erant, prima habere: postulare legionibus supplementum, auxilia a populis et regibus arcessere, praeterea ex Latio sociisque fortissumum quemque, plerosque militiae, paucos fama cognitos, accire et ambiundo cogere homines emeritis stipendiis secum proficisci. neque illi senatus, quamquam advorsus erat, de ullo negotio abnuere audebat. ceterum supplementum etiam laetus decreverat, quia neque plebi militia volenti putabatur et Marius aut belli usum aut studia volgi amissurus. sed ea res frustra sperata: tanta lubido cum Mario eundi plerosque invaserat. sese quisque praeda locupletem fore, victorem domum rediturum, alia huiusce modi animis trahebant, et eos non paulum oratione sua Marius adrexerat. nam postquam omnibus, quae postulaverat, decretis milites scribere volt, hortandi causa simul et nobilitatem, uti consueverat, exagitandi contionem populi advocavit. deinde hoc modo disseruit:

Chapter 85

'Scio ego, Quirites, plerosque non isdem artibus imperium a vobis petere et, postquam adepti sunt, gerere: primo industries supplices modicos esse, dein per ignaviam et superbiam aetatem agere. sed mihi contra ea videtur: nam quo pluris est univorsa res publica quam consulatus aut praetura, eo maiore cura illam administrari quam haec peti debere. neque me fallit, quantum cum maxumo vostro beneficio negoti sustineam. bellum parare simul et aerario parcere, cogere ad militiam eos quos nolis offendere, domi forisque omnia curare et ea agere inter invidos occursantis factiosos opinione, Quirites, asperius est. ad hoc, alii si deliquere, vetus nobilitas, maiorum fortia facta, cognatorum et affinium opes, multae clientelae, omnia haec praesidio adsunt; mihi spes omnes in memet sitae, quas necesse est virtute et innocentia tutari; nam alia infirma sunt. et illud intellego, Quirites, omnium ora in me convorsa esse, aequos bonosque favere — quippe mea bene facta rei publicae procedunt —, nobilitatem locum invadundi quaerere. quo mihi acrius adnitundum est, uti neque vos capiamini et illi frustra sint. ita ad hoc aetatis a pueritia fui, uti omnis labores et pericula consueta habeam. quae ante vostra beneficia gratuito faciebam, ea uti accepta mercede deseram, non est consilium, Quirites. illis difficile est in potestatibus temperare, qui per ambitionem sese probos simulavere; mihi, qui omnem aetatem in optumis artibus egi, bene facere iam ex consuetudine in naturam vortit.

Bellum me gerere cum Iugurtha iussistis, quam rem nobilitas aegerrume tulit. quaeso, reputate cum animis vostris, num id mutare melius sit, si quem ex illo globo nobilitatis ad hoc aut aliud tale negotium mittatis, hominem veteris prosapiae ac multarum imaginum et nullius stipendi: scilicet ut in tanta re ignarus omnium trepidet, festinet, sumat aliquem ex populo monitorem offici sui. ita plerumque evenit, ut, quem vos imperare iussistis, is sibi imperatorem alium quaerat. atque ego scio, Quirites, qui, postquam consules facti sunt, et acta maiorum et Graecorum militaria praecepta legere coeperint: praeposteri homines, nam gerere quam fieri tempore posterius, re atque usu prius est. conparate nunc, Quirites, cum illorum superbia me hominem novom. quae illi audire aut legere solent, eorum partem vidi, alia egomet gessi; quae illi litteris, ea ego militando didici. nunc vos existumate, facta an dicta pluris sint. contemnunt novitatem meam, ego illorum ignaviam; mihi fortuna, illis probra obiectantur. quamquam ego naturam unam et communem omnium existumo, sed fortissumum quemque generosissumum. ac si iam ex patribus Albini aut Bestiae quaeri posset, mene an illos ex se gigni maluerint, quid responsuros creditis nisi sese liberos quam optumos voluisse? quod si iure me despiciunt, faciant item maioribus suis, quibus, uti mihi, ex virtute nobilitas coepit. invident honori meo: ergo invideant labori, innocentiae, periculis etiam meis, quoniam per haec illum cepi. verum homines corrupti superbia ita aetatem agunt, quasi vostros honores contemnant; ita hos petunt, quasi honeste vixerint. ne illi falsi sunt, qui divorsissumas res pariter expectant, ignaviae voluptatem et praemia virtutis. atque etiam, quod apud vos aut in senatu verba faciunt, pleraque oratione maiores suos extollunt: eorum fortia facta memorando clariores sese putant. quod contra est. nam quanto vita illorum praeclarior, tanto horum socordia flagitiosior. et profecto ita se res habet: maiorum gloria posteris quasi lumen est, neque bona neque mala eorum in occulto patitur. huiusce rei ego inopiam fateor, Quirites, verum, id quod multo praeclarius est, meamet facta mihi dicere licet. nunc videte, quam iniqui sint. quod ex aliena virtute sibi adrogant, id mihi ex mea non concedunt, scilicet quia imagines hon habeo et quia mihi nova nobilitas est, quam certe peperisse melius est quam acceptam corrupisse.

Equidem ego non ignoro, si iam mihi respondere velint, abunde illis facundam et conpositam orationem fore. sed in maxumo vostro beneficio quom omnibus locis meque vosque maledictis lacerent, non placuit reticere, ne quis modestiam in conscientiam duceret. nam me quidem ex animi mei sententia nulla oratio laedere potest: quippe vera necesse est bene praedicent, falsa vita moresque mei superant. sed quoniam vostra consilia accusantur, qui mihi summum honorem et maxumum negotium inposuistis, etiam atque etiam reputate, num eorum paenitendum sit. non possum fidei causa imagines neque triumphos aut consulatus maiorum meorum ostentare, at, si res postulet, hastas, vexillum, phaleras, alia militaria dona, praeterea cicatrices advorso corpore. hae sunt meae imagines, haec nobilitas, non hereditate relicta, ut illa illis, sed quae ego meis plurumis laboribus et periculis quaesivi. non sunt conposita verba mea: parvi id facio. ipsa se virtus satis ostendit; illis artificio opus est, ut turpia facta oratione tegant, neque litteras Graecas didici: parum placebat eas discere, quippe quae ad virtutem doctoribus nihil profuerant. at illa multo optuma rei publicae doctus sum: hostem ferire, praesidia agitare, nihil metuere nisi turpem famam, hiemem et aestatem iuxta pati, humi requiescere, eodem tempore inopiam et laborem tolerare. his ego praeceptis milites hortabor, neque illos arte colam, me opulenter, neque gloriam meam, laborem illorum faciam. hoc est utile, hoc civile imperium. namque quom tute per mollitiem agas, exercitum supplicio cogere, id est dominum, non imperatorem esse. haec atque alia talia maiores vostri faciundo seque remque publicam celebravere. quis nobilitas freta, ipse dissimilis moribus, nos illorum aemulos contemnit et omnis honores non ex merito sed quasi debitos a vobis repetit. ceterum homines superbissumi procul errant. maiores eorum omnia quae licebat illis reliquere: divitias, imagines, memoriam sui praeclaram; virtutem non reliquere, neque poterant: ea sola neque datur dono neque accipitur. sordidum me et incultis moribus aiunt, quia parum scite convivium exorno neque histrionem ullum neque pluris preti coquom quam vilicum habeo. quae mihi lubet confiteri, Quirites. nam ex parente meo et ex aliis sanctis viris ita accepi, munditias mulieribus, viris laborem convenire, omnibusque bonis oportere plus gloriae quam divitiarum esse; arma, non supellectilem decori esse. quin ergo, quod iuvat, quod carum aestumant, id semper faciant: ament, potent; ubi adulescentiam habuere, ibi senectutem agant, in conviviis, dediti ventri et turpissumae parti corporis; sudorem, pulverem et alia talia relinquant nobis, quibus illa epulis iucundiora sunt. verum non ita est. nam ubi se flagitiis dedecoravere turpissumi viri, bonorum praemia ereptum eunt. ita iniustissume luxuria et ignavia, pessumae artes, illis, qui coluere eas, nihil officiunt, rei publicae innoxiae cladi sunt.

Nunc quoniam illis, quantum mei mores, non illorum flagitia poscebant, respondi, pauca de re publica loquar. primum omnium de Numidia bonum habete animum, Quirites. nam quae ad hoc tempus Iugurtham tutata sunt, omnia removistis: avaritiam, inperitiam atque superbiam; deinde exercitus ibi est locorum sciens, sed mehercule magis strenuos quam felix, nam magna pars eius avaritia aut temeritate ducum adtrita est. quam ob rem vos, quibus militaris aetas est, adnitimini mecum et capessite rem publicam, neque quemquam ex calamitate aliorum aut imperatorum superbia metus ceperit. egomet in agmine aut in proelio consultor idem et socius periculi vobiscum adero, meque vosque in omnibus rebus iuxta geram. et profecto dis iuvantibus omnia matura sunt: victoria, praeda, laus. quae si dubia aut procul essent, tamen omnis bonos rei publicae subvenire decebat. etenim nemo ignavia inmortalis factus est, neque quisquam parens liberis, uti aeterni forent, optavit, magis uti boni honestique vitam exigerent. plura dicerem, Quirites, si timidis virtutem verba adderent; nam strenuis abunde dictum puto.'

Chapter 86

Huiusce modi oratione habita Marius, postquam plebis animos adrectos videt, propere commeatu, stipendio, armis aliisque utilibus navis onerat, cum his A. Manlium legatum proficisci iubet. ipse interea milites scribere, non more maiorum neque ex classibus, sed uti quoiusque lubido erat, capite censos plerosque. id factum alii inopia bonorum, alii per ambitionem consulis memorabant, quod ab eo genere celebratus auctusque erat et homini potentiam quaerenti egentissumus quisque opportunissumus, quoi neque sua cara, quippe quae nulla sunt, et omnia cum pretio honesta videntur.

Igitur Marius cum aliquanto maiore numero, quam decretum erat, in Africam profectus paucis diebus Uticam advehitur. exercitus ei traditur a P. Rutilio legato; nam Metellus conspectum Mari fugerat, ne videret ea, quae audita animus tolerare nequiverat. sed consul expletis legionibus cohortibusque auxiliariis in agrum fertilem et praeda onustum proficiscitur, omnia ibi capta militibus donat; dein castella et oppida natura et viris parum munita aggreditur, proelia multa, ceterum levia, alia aliis locis facere. interim novi milites sine metu pugnae adesse, videre fugientis capi aut occidi, fortissumum quemque tutissumum, armis libertatem patriam parentisque et alia omnia tegi, gloriam atque divitias quaeri. sic brevi spatio novi veteresque coaluere, et virtus omnium aequalis facta.

At reges, ubi de adventu Mari cognoverunt, divorsi in locos difficilis abeunt. ita Iugurthae placuerat, speranti mox effusos hostis invadi posse, Romanos sicuti plerosque remoto metu laxius licentiusque futuros.

Chapter 88

Metellus interea Romam profectus contra spem suam laetissumis animis accipitur, plebi patribusque, postquam invidia decesserat, iuxta carus.

Sed Marius inpigre prudenterque suorum et hostium res pariter attendere: cognoscere, quid boni utrisque aut contra esset, explorare itinera regum, consilia et insidias eorum antevenire, nihil apud se remissum neque aqud illos tutum pati. itaque et Gaetulos et Iugurtham ex sociis nostris praedas agentis saepe aggressus in itinere fuderat ipsumque regem haud procul ab oppido Cirta armis exuerat. quae postquam gloriosa modo neque belli patrandi cognovit, statuit urbis, quae viris aut loco pro hostibus et advorsum se opportunissumae erant, singulas circumvenire: ita Iugurtham aut praesidiis nudatum iri, si ea pateretur, aut proelio certaturum. nam Bocchus nuntios ad eum saepe miserat: velle populi Romani amicitiam; ne quid ab se hostile timeret. id simulaveritne, quo inprovisus gravior accideret, an mobilitate ingeni pacem atque bellum mutare solitus, parum exploratum est. sed consul, uti statuerat, oppida castellaque munita adire, partim vi, alia metu aut praemia ostentando avortere ab hostibus. ac primo mediocria gerebat, existumans Iugurtham ob suos tutandos in manus venturum. sed ubi illum procul abesse et aliis negotiis intentum accepit, maiora et magis aspera aggredi tempus visum est.

Erat inter ingentis solitudines oppidum magnum atque valens nomine Capsa, quoius conditor Hercules Libys memorabatur. eius cives apud Iugurtham immunes, levi imperio et ob ea fidelissumi habebantur, muniti advorsum hostis non moenibus modo et armis atque viris, verum etiam multo magis locorum asperitate. nam praeter oppido propinqua alia omnia vasta, inculta, egentia aquae, infesta serpentibus, quarum vis sicuti omnium ferarum inopia cibi acrior. ad hoc natura serpentium ipsa perniciosa siti magis quam alia re accenditur. eius potiundi Marium maxuma cupido invaserat, quom propter usum belli tum quia res aspera videbatur et Metellus oppidum Thalam magna gloria ceperat, haud dissimiliter situm munitumque, nisi quod apud Thalam non longe a moenibus aliquot fontes erant, Capsenses una modo atque ea intra oppidum iugi aqua, cetera pluvia utebantur. id ibique et in omni Africa, quae procul a mari incultius agebat, eo facilius tolerabatur, quia Numidae plerumque lacte et ferina carne vescebantur et neque salem neque alia irritamenta gulae quaerebant: cibus illis advorsum famem atque sitim, non lubidini neque luxuriae erat. igitur consul omnibus exploratis, credo dis fretus — nam contra tantas difficultates consilio satis providere non poterat, quippe etiam frumenti inopia temptabatur, quia Numidae pabulo pecoris magis quam arvo student et, quodcumque natum fuerat, iussu regis in loca munita contulerant, ager autem aridus et frugum vacuos ea tempestate, nam aestatis extremum erat —, tamen pro rei copia satis providenter exornat. pecus omne, quod superioribus diebus praedae fuerat, equitibus auxiliariis agundum adtribuit, A. Manlium legatum cum cohortibus expeditis ad oppidum Laris, ubi stipendium et commeatum locaverat, ire iubet dicitque se praedabundum post paucos dies eodem venturum. sic incepto suo occultato pergit ad flumen Tanain. ceterum in itinere cottidie pecus exercitui per centurias, item turmas aequaliter distribuerat et, ex coriis utres uti fierent, curabat; simul inopiam frumenti lenire et ignaris omnibus parare quae mox usui forent. denique sexto die, quom ad flumen ventum est, maxuma vis utrium effecta. ibi castris levi munimento positis milites cibum capere atque, uti simul cum occasu solis egrederentur, paratos esse iubet, omnibus sarcinis abiectis aqua modo seque et iumenta onerare. dein postquam tempus visum, castris egreditur, noctemque totam itinere facto consedit; idem proxuma facit; dein tertia multo ante lucis adventum pervenit in locum tumulosum ab Capsa non amplius duum milium intervallo, ibique quam occultissume potest cum omnibus copiis opperitur. sed ubi dies coepit et Numidae nihil hostile metuentes multi oppido egressi, repente omnem equitatum et cum iis velocissumos pedites cursu tendere ad Capsam et portas obsidere iubet; deinde ipse intentus propere sequi neque milites praedari sinere. quae postquam oppidani cognovere, res trepidae, metus ingens, malum inprovisum, ad hoc pars civium extra moenia in hostium potestate coegere, uti deditionem facerent. ceterum oppidum incensum, Numidae puberes interfecti, alii omnes venundati, praeda militibus divisa. id facinus contra ius belli non avaritia neque scelere consulis admissum, sed quia locus Iugurthae opportunus, nobis aditu difficilis, genus hominum mobile, infidum, ante neque beneficio neque metu coercitum.

Chapter 92

Postquam tantam rem peregit Marius sine ullo suorum incommodo, magnus et clarus antea, maior atque clarior haberi coepit. omnia non bene consulta in virtutem trahebantur: milites, modesto imperio habiti simul et locupletes, ad caelum ferre; Numidae magis quam mortalem timere; postremo omnes, socii atque hostes, credere illi aut mentem divinam esse aut deorum nutu cuncta portendi. sed consul, ubi ea res bene evenit, ad alia oppida pergit, pauca repugnantibus Numidis capit, plura deserta propter Capsensium miserias igni corrumpit: luctu atque caede omnia conplentur. denique multis locis potitus ac plerisque exercitu incruento aliam rem aggreditur, non eadem asperitate qua Capsensium, ceterum haud secus difficilem.

Namque haud longe a flumine Muluccha, quod Iugurthae Bocchique regnum diiungebat, erat inter ceteram planitiem mons saxeus, mediocri castello satis patens, in inmensum editus, uno perangusto aditu relicto; nam omnis natura velut opere atque consulto praeceps. quem locum Marius, quod ibi regis thesauri erant, summa vi capere intendit. sed ea res forte quam consilio melius gesta. nam castello virorum atque armorum satis magna vis et frumenti et fons aquae; aggeribus turribusque et aliis machinationibus locus inportunus; iter castellanorum angustum admodum, utrimque praecisum. ea vineae cum ingenti periculo frustra agebantur; nam quom eae paulo processerant, igni aut lapidibus corrumpebantur. milites neque pro opere consistere propter iniquitatem loci neque inter vineas sine periculo administrare: optumus quisque cadere aut sauciari, ceteris metus augeri. at Marius multis diebus et laboribus consumptis anxius trahere cum animo suo, omitteretne inceptum, quoniam frustra erat, an fortunam opperiretur, qua saepe prospere usus fuerat. quae quom multos dies noctisque aestuans agitaret, forte quidam Ligus, ex cohortibus auxiliariis miles gregarius, castris aquatum egressus haud procul ab latere castelli, quod avorsum proeliantibus erat, animum advortit inter saxa repentis cocleas, quarum quom unam atque alteram, dein plures peteret, studio legundi paulatim prope ad summum montis egressus est. ubi postquam solitudinem intellexit, more ingeni humani cupido difficilia faciundi animum adorta. et forte in eo loco grandis ilex coaluerat inter saxa, paulum modo prona, deinde inflexa atque aucta in altitudinem, quo cuncta gignentium natura fert. quoius ramis modo, modo eminentibus saxis nisus Ligus in castelli planitiem pervenit, quod cuncti Numidae intenti proeliantibus aderant. exploratis omnibus, quae mox usui fore ducebat, eadem regreditur, non temere, uti ascenderat, sed temptans omnia et circumspiciens. itaque Marium propere adit, acta edocet, hortatur, ab ea parte qua ipse ascenderat castellum temptet, pollicetur sese itineris periculique ducem. Marius cum Ligure promissa eius cognitum ex praesentibus misit. quorum uti quoiusque ingenium erat, ita rem difficilem aut facilem nuntiavere; consulis animus tamen paulum adrectus. itaque ex copia tubicinum et cornicinum numero quinque quam velocissumos delegit et cum iis, praesidio qui forent, quattuor centuriones, omnisque Liguri parere iubet et ei negotio proxumum diem constituit. sed ubi ex praecepto tempus visum, paratis conpositisque omnibus ad locum pergit. ceterum illi, qui escensuri erant, praedocti ab duce arma ornatumque mutaverant: capite atque pedibus nudis, uti prospectus nisusque per saxa facilius foret; super terga gladii et scuta, verum ea Numidica ex coriis, ponderis gratia simul et offensa quo levius streperent. igitur praegrediens Ligus saxa et si quae vetustate radices eminebant, laqueis vinciebat, quibus adlevati milites facilius escenderent, interdum timidos insolentia itineris levare manu; ubi paulo asperior ascensus erat, singulos prae se inermos mittere, deinde ipse cum illorum armis sequi; quae dubia nisui videbantur, potissumus temptare ac saepius eadem ascendens descendensque, dein statim digrediens ceteris audaciam addere. igitur diu multumque fatigati tandem in castellum perveniunt, desertum ab ea part, quod omnes sicut aliis diebus advorsum hostis aderant. Marius ubi ex nuntiis quae Ligus egerat cognovit, quamquam toto die intentos proelio Numidas habuerat, tum vero cohortatus milites et ipse extra vineas egressus testudine acta succedere et simul hostem tormentis sagittariisque et funditoribus eminus terrere. at Numidae, saepe antea vineis Romanorum subvorsis, item incensis, non castelli moenibus sese tutabantur, sed pro muro dies noctisque agitare, male dicere Romanis ac Mario vecordiam obiectare, militibus nostris Iugurthae servitium minari, secundis rebus feroces esse. interim omnibus, Romanis hostibusque, proelio intentis, magna utrimque vi pro gloria atque imperio his illis pro salute certantibus, repente a tergo signa canere; ac primo mulieres et pueri, qui visum processerant, fugere, deinde uti quisque muro proxumus erat, postremo cuncti, armati inermesque. quod ubi accidit, eo acrius Romani instare, fundere ac plerosque tantummodo sauciare, dein super occisorum corpora vadere, avidi gloriae certantes murum petere, neque quemquam omnium praeda morari. sic forte correcta Mari temeritas gloriam ex culpa invenit.

Chapter 95

Ceterum, dum ea res geritur, L. Sulla quaestor cum magno equitatu in castra venit, quos uti ex Latio et a sociis cogeret, Romae relictus erat.

Sed quoniam nos tanti viri res admonuit, idoneum visum est de natura cultuque eius paucis dicere. neque enim alio loco de Sullae rebus dicturi sumus et L. Sisenna, optume et diligentissume omnium, qui eas res dixere, persecutus, parum mihi libero ore locutus videtur. Igitur Sulla gentis patriciae nobilis fuit, familia prope iam extincta maiorum ignavia, litteris Graecis atque Latinis iuxta eruditus, animo ingenti, cupidus voluptatum sed gloriae cupidior; otio luxurioso esse, tamen ab negotiis numquam voluptas remorata, nisi quod de uxore potuit honestius consuli; facundus, callidus et amicitia facilis, ad simulanda negotia altitudo ingeni incredibilis, multarum rerum ac maxume pecuniae largitor. atque illi felicissumo omnium ante civilem victoriam numquam super industriam fortuna fuit, multique dubitavere, fortior an felicior esset. nam postea quae fecerit, incertum habeo pudeat an pigeat magis disserere.

Igitur Sulla, uti supra dictum est, postquam in Africam atque in castra Mari cum equitatu venit, rudis antea et ignarus belli, sollertissumus omnium in paucis tempestatibus factus est. ad hoc milites benigne appellare, multis rogantibus, aliis per se ipse dare beneficia, invitus accipere, sed ea properantius quam aes mutuom reddere, ipse ab nullo repetere, magis id laborare, ut illi quam plurumi deberent, ioca atque seria cum humillumis agere, in operibus, in agmine atque ad vigilias multus adesse, neque interim, quod prava ambitio solet, consulis aut quoiusquam boni famam laedere, tantummodo neque consilio neque manu priorem alium pati, plerosque antevenire. quibus rebus et artibus brevi Mario militibusque carissumus factus.

Chapter 97

At Iugurtha, postquam oppidum Capsam aliosque locos munitos et sibi utilis simul et magnam pecuniam amiserat, ad Bocchum nuntios mittit: quam primum in Numidiam copias adduceret; proeli faciundi tempus adesse. quem ubi cunctari accepit et dubium belli atque pacis rationes trahere, rursus uti antea proxumos eius donis corrupit, ipsique Mauro pollicetur Numidiae partem tertiam, si aut Romani Africa expulsi aut integris suis finibus bellum conpositum foret. eo praemio illectus Bocchus cum magna multitudine Iugurtham adcedit.

Ita amborum exercitu coniuncto Marium, iam in hiberna proficiscentem, vix decuma parte die reliqua invadunt, rati noctem, quae iam aderat, et victis sibi munimento fore et, si vicissent, nullo impedimento, quia locorum scientes erant, contra Romanis utrumque casum in tenebris difficiliorem fore. igitur simul consul ex multis de hostium adventu cognovit, et ipsi hostes aderant, et prius quam exercitus aut instrui aut sarcinas conligere, denique ante quam signum aut imperium ullum accipere quivit, equites Mauri atque Gaetuli, non acie neque ullo more proeli sed catervatim, uti quosque fors conglobaverat, in nostros incurrunt. qui omnes trepidi inproviso metu ac tamen virtutis memores aut arma capiebant aut capientis alios ab hostibus defensabant; pars equos escendere, obviam ire hostibus; pugna latrocinio magis quam proelio similis fieri. sine signis, sine ordinibus equites peditesque permixti cedere alii, alii obtruncari, multi contra advorsos acerrume pugnantes ab tergo circumveniri; neque virtus neque arma satis tegere, quia hostes numero plures et undique circumfusi erant. denique Romani veteres et ob ea scientes belli, si quos locus aut casus coniunxerat, orbis facere atque ita ab omnibus partibus simul tecti et instructi hostium vim sustentabant. neque in eo tam aspero negotio Marius territus aut magis quam antea demisso animo fuit, sed cum turma sua, quam ex fortissumis magis quam familiarissumis paraverat, vagari passim ac modo laborantibus suis succurrere, modo hostis, ubi confertissumi obstiterant, invadere; manu consulere militibus, quoniam imperare conturbatis omnibus non poterat. iamque dies consumptus erat, quom tamen barbari nihil remittere atque, uti reges praeceperant, noctem pro se rati acrius instare. tum Marius ex copia rerum consilium trahit atque, uti suis receptui locus esset, collis duos propinquos inter se occupat, quorum in uno castris parum amplo fons aquae magnus erat, alter usui opportunus, quia magna parte editus et praeceps pauca munimenta quaerebat. ceterum apud aquam Sullam cum equitibus noctem agitare iubet, ipse paulatim disperses milites neque minus hostibus conturbatis in unum contrahit, dein cunctos pleno gradu in collem subducit. ita reges loci difficultate coacti proelio deterrentur, neque tamen suos longius abire sinunt, sed utroque colle multitudine circumdato effusi consedere. dein crebris ignibus factis plerumque noctis barbari more suo laetari, exultare, strepere vocibus; et ipsi duces feroces, quia non fugerant, pro victoribus agere. sed ea cuncta Romanis ex tenebris et editioribus locis facilia visu magnoque hortamento erant. plurumum vero Marius inperitia hostium confirmatus quam maxumum silentium haberi iubet, ne signa quidem, uti per vigilias solebant, canere. deinde ubi lux adventabat, defessis iam hostibus ac paulo ante somno captis, de inproviso vigiles, item cohortium turmarum legionum tubicines simul omnis signa canere, milites clamorem tollere atque portis erumpere iubet. Mauri atque Gaetuli, ignoto et horribili sonitu repente exciti, neque fugere neque arma capere neque omnino facere aut providere quicquam poterant: ita cunctos strepitu clamore, nullo subveniente, nostris instantibus, tumultu formidine terror quasi vecordia ceperat. denique omnes fusi fugatique arma et signa militaria pleraque capta, pluresque eo proelio quam omnibus superioribus interempti. nam somno et metu insolito impedita fuga.

Chapter 100

Dein Marius, uti coeperat, in hiberna it: propter commeatum in oppidis maritumis agere decreverat; neque tamen victoria socors aut insolens factus, sed pariter atque in conspectu hostium quadrato agmine incedere. Sulla cum equitatu apud dextumos, in sinistra parte A. Manlius cum funditoribus et sagittariis, praeterea cohortis Ligurum curabat. primos et extremos cum expeditis manipulis tribunos locaverat. perfugae, minume carl et regionum scientissumi, hostium iter explorabant. simul consul quasi nullo inposito omnia providere, apud omnis adesse, laudare et increpare merentis. ipse armatus intentusque, item milites cogebat. neque secus atque iter facere, castra munire, excubitum in porta cohortis ex legionibus, pro castris equites auxiliarios mittere, praeterea alios super vallum in munimentis locare, vigilias ipse circumire, non tam diffidentia futurum quae imperavisset, quam uti militibus exaequatus cum imperatore labor volentibus esset. et sane Marius illoque aliisque temporibus Iugurthini belli pudore magis quam malo exercitum coercebat. quod multi per ambitionem fieri aiebant: a pueritia cousuetam duritiam et alia, quae ceteri miserias vocant, voluptati habuisse; nisi tamen res publica pariter ac saevissumo imperio bene atque decore gesta.

Chapter 101

Igitur quarto denique die haud longe ab oppido Cirta undique simul speculatores citi sese ostendunt, qua re hostis adesse intellegitur. sed quia divorsi redeuntes alius ab alia parte atque omnes idem significabant, consul incertus, quonam modo aciem instrueret, nullo ordine conmutato advorsum omnia paratus ibidem opperitur. ita Iugurtham spes frustrata, qui copias in quattuor partis distribuerat, ratus ex omnibus aeque aliquos ab tergo hostibus venturos. interim Sulla, quem primum hostes attigerant, cohortatus suos turmatim et quam maxume confertis equis ipse aliique Mauros invadunt, ceteri in loco manentes ab iaculis eminus emissis corpora tegere et, si qui in manus venerant, obtruncare. dum eo modo equites proeliantur, Bocchus cum peditibus, quos Volux, filius eius, adduxerat neque in priore pugna, in itinere morati, adfuerant, postremam Romanorum aciem invadunt. tum Marius apud primos agebat, quod ibi Iugurtha cum plurumis erat. dein Numida cognito Bocchi adventu clam cum paucis ad pedites convortit. ibi latine — nam apud Numantiam loqui didicerat — exclamat nostros frustra pugnare, paulo ante Marium sua manu interfectum. simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostendere, quem in pugna satis inpigre occiso pedite nostro cruentaverat. quod ubi milites accepere, magis atrocitate rei quam fide nuntii terrentur, simulque barbari animos tollere et in perculsos Romanos acrius incedere. iamque paulum a fuga aberant, quom Sulla profligatis iis, quos advorsum ierat, rediens ab latere Mauris incurrit. Bocchus statim avortitur. at Iugurtha, dum sustentare suos et prope iam adeptam victoriam retinere cupit, circumventus ab equitibus, dextra sinistraque omnibus occisis solus inter tela hostium vitabundus erumpit. atque interim Marius fugatis equitibus adcurrit auxilio suis, quos pelli iam acceperat. denique hostes iam undique fusi. tum spectaculum horribile in campis patentibus: sequi fugere, occidi capi; equi atque viri adflicti, ac multi volneribus acceptis neque fugere posse neque quietem pati, niti modo ac statim concidere; postremo omnia, qua visus erat, constrata telis armis cadaveribus, et inter ea humus infecta sanguine.

Post ea loci consul haud dubie iam victor pervenit in oppidum Cirtam,quo initio profectus intenderat. eo post diem quintum, quam iterum barbari male pugnaverant, legati a Boccho veniunt, qui regis verbis ab Mario petivere, duos quam fidissumos ad eum mitteret, velle de suo et de populi Romani commodo cum iis disserere. ille statim L. Sullam et A. Manlium ire iubet. qui quamquam acciti ibant, tamen placuit verba apud regem facere, ut ingenium aut avorsum flecterent aut cupidum pacis vehementius accenderent. itaque Sulla, quoius facundiae, non aetati a Manlio concessum, pauca verba huiusce modi locutus:

'Rex Bocche, magna laetitia nobis est, quom te talem virum di monuere, uti aliquando pacem quam bellum malles neu te optumum cum pessumo omnium Iugurtha miscendo conmaculares, simul nobis demeres acerbam necessitudinem, pariter te errantem atque illum sceleratissumum persequi. ad hoc populo Romano iam a principio inopi melius visum amicos quam servos quaerere, tutiusque rati volentibus quam coactis imperitare. tibi vero nulla opportunior nostra amicitia, primum quia procul absumus, in quo offensae minumum, gratia par ac si prope adessemus; dein quia parentis abunde habemus, amicorum neque nobis neque quoiquam omnium satis fuit. atque hoc utinam a principio tibi placuisset: profecto ex populo Romano ad hoc tempus multo plura bona accepisses, quam mala perpessus esses. sed quoniam humanarum rerum fortuna pleraque regit, quoi scilicet placuit et vim et gratiam nostram te experiri, nunc, quando per illam licet, festina atque, uti coepisti, perge. multa atque opportuna habes, quo facilius errata officiis superes. postremo hoc in pectus tuom demitte, numquam populum Romanum beneficiis victum esse. nam bello quid valeat, tute scis.'

Ad ea Bocchus placide et benigne, simul pauca pro delicto suo verba facit: se non hostili animo, sed ob regnum tutandum arma cepisse. nam Numidiae partem, unde vi Iugurtham expulerit, iure belli suam factam; eam vastari a Mario pati nequivisse. praeterea missis antea Romam legatis repulsum ab amicitia. ceterum vetera omittere ac tum, si per Marium liceret, legatos ad senatum missurum. dein copia facta animus barbari ab amicis flexus, quos Iugurtha, cognita legatione Sullae et Manli metuens id, quod parabatur, donis corruperat.

Chapter 103

Marius interea exercitu in hibernaculis conposito cum expeditis cohortibus et parte equitatus proficiscitur in loca sola obsessum turrim regiam, quo Iugurtha perfugas omnis praesidium inposuerat. tum rursus Bocchus, seu reputando quae sibi duobus proeliis venerant, seu admonitus ab aliis amicis, quos incorruptos Iugurtha reliquerat, ex omni copia necessariorum quinque delegit, quorum et fides cognita et ingenia validissuma erant. eos ad Marium ac deinde, si placeat, Romam legatos ire iubet, agundarum rerum et quocumque modo belli conponundi licentiam ipsis permittit. illi mature ad hiberna Romanorum proficiscuntur, deinde in itinere a Gaetulis latronibus circumventi spoliatique pavidi sine decore ad Sullam profugiunt, quem consul in expeditionem proficiscens pro praetore reliquerat. eos ille non pro vanis hostibus, uti meriti erant, sed adcurate ac liberaliter habuit. qua re barbari et famam Romanorum avaritiae falsam et Sullam ob munificentiam in sese amicum rati. nam etiam tum largitio multis ignota erat; munificus nemo putabatur nisi pariter volens; dona omnia in benignitate habebantur. igitur quaestori mandata Bocchi patefaciunt; simul ab eo petunt, uti fautor consultorque sibi adsit; copias fidem magnitudinem regis sui et alia, quae aut utilia aut benevolentiae esse credebant, oratione extollunt. dein Sulla omnia pollicito docti, quo modo apud Marium, item apud senatum verba facerent, circiter dies quadraginta ibidem opperiuntur.

Chapter 104

Marius postquam infecto quo intenderat negotio Cirtam redit et de adventu legatorum certior factus est, illosque et Sullam ab Utica venire iubet, item L. Bellienum praetorem, praeterea omnis undique senatorii ordinis, quibuscum mandata Bocchi cognoscit. legatis potestas Romam eundi fit, et ab consule interea indutiae postulabantur. ea Sullae et plerisque placuere; pauci ferocius decernunt, scilicet ignari humanarum rerum, quae fluxae et mobiles semper in advorsa mutantur. ceterum Mauri impetratis omnibus rebus tres Romam profecti duce Cn. Octavio Rusone, qui quaestor stipendium in Africam portaverat, duo ad regem redeunt. ex iis Bocchus quom cetera tum maxume benignitatem et studium Sullae lubens accepit. Romaeque legatis eius, postquam errasse regem et Iugurthae scelere lapsum deprecati sunt, amicitiam et foedus petentibus hoc modo respondetur:

'Senatus et populus Romanus benefici et iniuriae memor esse solet. ceterum Boccho, quoniam paenitet, delicti gratiam facit: foedus et amicitia dabuntur, quom meruerit.'

Chapter 105

Quis rebus cognitis Bocchus per litteras a Mario petivit, uti Sullam ad se mitteret, quoius arbitratu communibus negotiis consuleretur, is missus cum praesidio equitum atque funditorum Balearum. praeterea iere sagittarii et cohors Paeligna cum velitaribus armis, itineris properandi causa, neque his secus atque aliis armis advorsum tela hostium, quod ea levia sunt, muniti. sed in itinere quinto denique die Volux, filius Bocchi, repente in campis patentibus cum mille non amplius equitibus sese ostendit, qui temere et effuse euntes Sullae aliisque omnibus et numerum ampliorem vero et hostilem metum efficiebant. igitur se quisque expedire, arma atque tela temptare, intendere; timor aliquantus, sed spes amplior, quippe victoribus et advorsum eos, quos saepe vicerant. interim equites exploratum praemissi rem, uti erat, quietam nuntiant. Volux adveniens quaestorem appellat dicitque se a patre Boccho obviam illis simul et praesidio missum. deinde eum et proxumum diem sine metu coniuncti eunt. post ubi castra locata et diei vesper erat, repente Maurus incerto voltu pavens ad Sullam adcurrit dicitque sibi ex speculatoribus cognitum Iugurtham haud procul abesse. simul, uti noctu clam secum profugeret, rogat atque hortatur. ille animo feroci negat se totiens fusum Numidam pertimescere: virtuti suorum satis credere; etiam si certa pestis adesset, mansurum potius, quam, proditis quos ducebat, turpi fuga incertae ac forsitan post paulo morbo interiturae vitae parceret. ceterum ab eodem monitus, uti noctu proficisceretur, consilium adprobat; ac statim milites cenatos esse in castris ignisque quam creberrumos fieri, dein prima vigilia silentio egredi iubet. iamque nocturno itinere fessis omnibus Sulla pariter cum ortu solis castra metabatur, quom equites Mauri nuntiant Iugurtham circiter duum milium intervallo ante consedisse. quod postquam auditum est, tum vero ingens metus nostros invadit; credere se proditos a Voluce et insidiis circumventos. ac fuere qui dicerent manu vindicandum neque apud illum tantum scelus inultum relinquendum. at Sulla, quamquam eadem existumabat, tamen ab iniuria Maurum prohibet. suos hortatur, uti fortem animum gererent: saepe antea a paucis strenuis advorsum multitudinem bene pugriatum; quanto sibi in proelio minus pepercissent, tanto tutiores fore; nec quemquam decere, qui manus armaverit, ab inermis pedibus auxilium petere, in maxumo metu nudum et caecum corpus ad hostis vortere. dein Volucem, quoniam hostilia faceret, Iovem maxumum obtestatus, ut sceleris atque perfidiae Bocchi testis adesset, ex castris abire iubet. ille lacrumans orare, ne ea crederet: nihil dolo factum, ac magis calliditate Iugurthae, quoi videlicet speculanti iter suom cognitum esset. ceterum quoniam neque ingentem multitudinem haberet et spes opesque eius ex patre suo penderent, credere illum nihil palam ausurum, quom ipse filius testis adesset. qua re optumum factu videri per media eius castra palam transire; sese vel praemissis vel ibidem relictis Mauris solum cum Sulla iturum. ea res, uti in tali negotio, probata; ac statim profecti, quia de inproviso acciderant, dubio atque haesitante Iugurtha incolumes transeunt. deinde paucis diebus, quo ire intenderant, perventum est.

Chapter 108

Ibi cum Boccho Numida quidam Aspar nomine multum et familiariter agebat, praemissus ab Iugurtha, postquam Sullam accitum audierat, orator et subdole speculatum Bocchi consilia; praeterea Dabar, Massugradae filius, ex gente Masinissae, ceterum materno genere inpar — nam pater eius ex concubina ortus erat —, Mauro ob ingeni multa bona carus acceptusque. quem Bocchus fidum esse Romanis multis ante tempestatibus expertus ilico ad Sullam nuntiatum mittit: paratum sese facere quae populus Romanus vellet; conloquio diem locum tempus ipse deligeret, neu Iugurthae legatum pertimesceret; consulto sese omnia cum illo integra habere, quo res communis licentius gereretur; nam ab insidiis eius aliter caveri nequivisse. sed ego comperior Bocchum magis Punica fide quam ob ea, quae praedicabat, simul Romanos et Numidam spe pacis attinuisse multumque cum animo suo volvere solitum, Iugurtham Romanis an illi Sullam traderet; lubidinem advorsum nos, metum pro nobis suasisse. igitur Sulla respondit se pauca coram Aspare locuturum, cetera occulte nullo aut quam paucissumis praesentibus. simul edocet, quae sibi responderentur. postquam, sicuti voluerat, congressi, dicit se missum a consule venisse quaesitum ab eo, pacem an bellum agitaturus foret. tum rex, uti praeceptum fuerat, post diem decumum redire iubet, ac nihil etiam nunc decrevisse, sed illo die responsurum. deinde ambo in sua castra digressi. sed ubi plerumque noctis processit, Sulla a Boccho occulte accersitur. ab utroque tantummodo fidi interpretes adhibentur, praeterea Dabar internuntius, sanctus vir et ex sententia ambobus. ac statim sic rex incipit:

Chapter 110

'Numquam ego ratus sum fore uti rex maxumus in hac terra et omnium, quos novi, privato homini gratiam deberem. et mehercule, Sulla, ante te cognitum multis orantibus, aliis ultro egomet opem tuli, nullius indigus. id inminutum, quod ceteri dolere solent, ego laetor. fuerit mihi eguisse aliquando pretium tuae amicitiae, qua apud meum animum nihil carius est. id adeo experiri licet. arma viros pecuniam, postremo quicquid animo lubet, sume utere, et, quoad vives, numquam tibi redditam gratiam putaveris: semper apud me integra erit; denique nihil me sciente frustra voles. nam, ut ego aestumo, regem armis quam munificentia vinci minus flagitiosum est.

Ceterum de re publica vostra, quoius curator huc missus es, paucis accipe. bellum ego populo Romano neque feci neque factum umquam volui; at finis meos advorsum armatos armis tutatus sum. id omitto, quando vobis ita placet. gerite quod voltis cum Iugurtha bellum. ego flumen Muluccham, quod inter me et Micipsam fuit, non egrediar neque id intrare Iugurtham sinam. praeterea si quid meque vobisque dignum petiveris, haud repulsus abibis.'

Chapter 111

Ad ea Sulla pro se breviter et modice, de pace et communibus rebus multis disseruit. denique regi patefacit, quod polliceatur, senatum et populum Romanum, quoniam armis amplius valuissent, non in gratiam habituros; faciundum ei aliquid, quod illorum magis quam sua rettulisse videretur. id adeo in promptu esse, quoniam copiam Iugurthae haberet. quem si Romanis tradidisset, fore ut illi plurumum deberetur; amicitiam foedus Numidiae partem, quam nunc peteret, tum ultro adventuram. rex primo negitare: cognationem, adfinitatem, praeterea foedus intervenisse; ad hoc metuere, ne fluxa fide usus popularium animos avorteret, quis et Iugurtha carus et Romani invisi erant. denique saepius fatigatus lenitur et ex voluntate Sullae omnia se facturum promittit. ceterum ad simulandam pacem, quoius Numida defessus bello avidissumus erat, quae utilia visa constituunt. ita conposito dolo digrediuntur.

Chapter 112

At rex postero die Asparem, Iugurthae legatum, appellat dicitque sibi per Dabarem ex Sulla cognitum posse condicionibus bellum poni: quam ob rem regis sui sententiam exquireret ille laetus in castra Iugurthae proficiscitur. deinde ab illo cuncta edoctus properato itinere post diem octavum redit ad Bocchum et ei nuntiat Iugurtham cupere omnia quae imperarentur facere, sed Mario parum confidere; saepe antea cum imperatoribus Romanis pacem conventam frustra fuisse. ceterum Bocchus si ambobus consultum et ratam pacem vellet, daret operam, ut una ab omnibus quasi de pace in conloquium veniretur, ibique sibi Sullam traderet. quom talem virum in potestatem habuisset, tum fore uti iussu senatus aut populi foedus fieret; neque hominem nobilem non sua ignavia sed ob rem publicam in hostium potestate relictum iri. haec Maurus secum ipse diu volvens tandem promisit; ceterum dolo an vere cunctatus, parum comperimus. sed plerumque regiae voluntates ut vehementes sic mobiles, saepe ipsae sibi advorsae. postea tempore et loco constituto, in conloquium uti de pace veniretur, Bocchus Sullam modo, modo Iugurthae legatum appellare, benigne habere, idem ambobus polliceri. illi pariter laeti ac spei bonae pleni esse.

Sed nocte ea, quae proxuma fuit ante diem conloquio decretum, Maurus adhibitis amicis ac statim inmutata voluntate remotis ceteris dicitur secum ipse multum agitavisse, voltu et oculis pariter atque animo varius; quae scilicet ita tacente ipso occulta pectoris patefecisse. tamen postremo Sullam accersi iubet et ex illius sententia Numidae insidias tendit. deinde ubi dies advenit et ei nuntiatum est Iugurtham haud procul abesse, cum paucis amicis et quaestore nostro quasi obvius honoris causa procedit in tumulum facillumum visu insidiantibus. eodem Numida cum plerisque necesariis suis inermis, uti dictum erat, adcedit, ac statim signo dato undique simul ex insidiis invaditur. ceteri obtruncati, Iugurtha Sullae vinctus traditur et ab eo ad Marium deductus est.

Chapter 114

Per idem tempus advorsum Gallos ab ducibus nostris Q. Caepione et M. Manlio male pugnatum. quo metu Italia omnis contremuerat. illique et inde usque ad nostram memoriam Romani sic habuere, alia omnia virtuti suae prona esse, cum Gallis pro salute, non pro gloria certare. sed postquam bellum in Numidia confectum et Iugurtham Romam vinctum adduci nuntiatum est, Marius consul absens factus est, et ei decreta provincia Gallia, isque kalendis Ianuariis magna gloria consul triumphavit. et ea tempestate spes atque opes civitatis in illo sitae.