Ancient Records of Egypt: A Selection

The Palermo Stone (Vol. I) Cite

76. The content of this document, remarkable as it is, is perhaps not more valuable than the revelation it furnishes of the existence of royal annals of an official character, regularly kept by the kings of Egypt in the Old Kingdom and extending back into the time of the two kingdoms of the North and South. They reveal a great and powerful kingdom from the beginning of the dynasties, enjoying ordered government under a highly developed and aggres­ sive state, and exhibiting a high degree of culture and civili­ zation such as we could not have anticipated in this remote age. 77. While a translation of the document, owing to its unique and archaic character, is accompanied by many uncertainties, yet the whole is of an importance which jus­ tifies a sufficient presentation of the content to make clear the character, scope, and arrangement of these oldest annals of Egypt. The voluminous commentary necessary for the explanation of many obscure references and allusions is unavoidably omitted here; but the obscurity of these par-

ticular points does not affect the significance of the whole document, which will be clear to everyone. 78. The fragment herewith presented was broken out of the middle of a large slab some seven feet long and over two feet high, as it stood on the long edge. It was inscribed on both sides with a series of royal annals, beginning with the predynastic kings of the period before the union of the North and the South, and continuing into the dynastic age to the middle of the Fifth Dynasty. The arrangement of these records can be best understood from the figure (—). The upper line of the front contains at present nine names of predynastic kings of Lower Egypt (the Delta). If the line was full, there were possibly some 120 predynastic kings here enumerated, each rectangle of line 1 (front) containing one name, with no indication of how long each king reigned. In the Fifth Dynasty, therefore, the predynastic kings, the last of whom had reigned some seven centuries before the preparation of this table, were already merely a series of names. Other reasons for the mere citation of the bare names are, however, quite conceivable, such as lack of interest in the predynastic kings on the part of the scribe. 79. But, while the length of the predynastic reigns re­ mains totally uncertain, the date of the beginning of the dynastic period is certainly established by this monument within narrower limits than ever before; and the period from the accession of Menes to the beginning of the Fourth Dynasty is determined within reasonable margins for the first time. The dynastic kings are probably arranged as

follows: athe First Dynasty occupied 11. 2 and 3, following directly upon the predynastic kings; 11. 4 and 5 contained the Second Dynasty; there is some uncertainty about the disposition of reigns in 1. 6, but as the first line of the back contained the end of the Fourth Dynasty, the last two linesb (7 and 8) of the front must have contained the bulk of the Fourth, which in all probability throws the Third Dynasty back to 1. 6,c including possibly the end of 1. 5. The larger part of the back was occupied with the three reigns of the Fifth Dynasty, which filled up 11. 2-5, and perhaps con­ tinued (in two lines) into the reign of Nuserre. 80. The arrangement of each reign (except 1. 1, front) was so that in the narrow horizontal space above each line the name of the king was placed, while below it the years of his reign were distributed in successive rectangles, one year in each rectangle. As the space occupied by the years of each reign far exceeded the length of the king’s name, the latter was placed over the middle, thus:

K in g ’s N a m e

Year Year Year Year Year Year Year Year Year

81. The vertical line on the right of each rectangle has the form of the hieroglyphic sign for “year.” Each year-rectangle contains the chief events which occurred in that year, one of which furnished the official name for that year. Thus we have the “ Year 0} the Battle and Smiting

of the Northerners,” dating a jar of King Besh (BS) in Phila­ delphia; or the “ Year of Smiting the Troglodytes ” in our fragment (front, 1. 6, § 104). This was parallel with the same usage in early Babylonia, as has been long known. As time passed, it became more and more common to name the year after the corresponding fiscal enumeration, thus: “ Year of the Second Occurrence of the Numbering of all Large and Small Cattle 0} the North and the South” (§ 339), or “ Year of the Seventh Occurrence of the Numbering of Gold and Lands” (front, 1. 5, §135). This was often abbreviated to 11 Year 0} the xHh Occurrence of the Num­ bering,” or still more to “Year of the x ’th Occurrence.” 82. All other events were then gradually abandoned as designations of the years, and by the Fifth Dynasty the fiscal numberings were almost exclusively used. These occurred every two years, in uninterrupted sequence, irrespective of the changes in reign, and hence it was necessary to call a year when no numbering took place, the “ Year after the xHh Occurrence (of the Numbering).” Finally, when the numberings became annual, each year received the name of a new numbering, and this was the system of dating in Egypt from the Sixth Dynasty on. It amounted to num­ bering the years themselves, and gradually became nothing else. The Palermo stone thus furnishes us the origin of the Egyptian system of dating. 83. In addition to the chief events of the year, each yearrectangle contained, at the bottom in the middle, a datum giving a number of cubits, palms, and fingers, which have been thought to be the height of the inundationa for each year; but this is very uncertain.

84. In 11. 2-5 (front), containing the First and Second Dynasties, the events of each year are for the most part celebrations of religious feasts and the like, and in the latter part the “numberings” appear. With the Third Dynasty (1. 6) the events known to the chronicler become more numerous, increasing and making irregular in size the yearrectangles. They become still larger in the Fourth and Fifth. Small as are the rectangles of the First and Second Dynasties, they are in each line of the same size, and this offers the basis for a rough estimate of the number of years in these dynasties, if we can gain even a distant approxima­ tion of the total length of the stone. 8s. An examination of the back shows that from onetenth to one-eighth of the total length of the lines is pre­ served on the fragment. This insures roughly five hundred years for the length of the first three dynasties, of which only about eighty would belong to the Third Dynasty.® 86. In this computation the stone offers little for deter­ mining the length of the Third Dynasty. This is, however, shown by the Turin Papyrus to have been only fifty-five years before Snefru; or, with Snefru, seventy-nine years, x months; or, in round numbers, eighty years. That Snefru belonged to the Third Dynasty is favored by the arrangement of the stone, although the Manethonian tradi-

tion perhaps placed him at the head of the Fourth Dynasty. It should be remembered that this difficulty with the Third Dynasty is not peculiar to any theory of restoration of the stone. We cannot, on any scheme of restoration, push the Third Dynasty back into 1. 5 (front), for the birth of Khasekhemui, a king of the latter part of the Second Dynasty, is recorded in 1. 5 (No. 4). Nor can we assume that Snefru is here reckoned with the Fourth Dynasty, which would leave only the first half of 1. 6 for the whole Third Dynasty. Finally, as Snefru is reckoned with the Third Dynasty, and we know that he was its last king (for he was the prede­ cessor of Khufu), all his predecessors in the dynasty, as well as at least six years of his own reign, must have been included in the first half of 1. 6. If all the rectangles of the first half of 1. 6 were as small as those of 1. 2, this would leave perhaps fifty years for his predecessors in the dynasty. The suppo­ sition that more lines are lost at the bottom would not at all affect the Third Dynasty. Again, any great prolongation of the lines is forbidden by the back. 87. The stone offers little aid as to the length of the Fourth Dynasty, as most of that dynasty is lost at the bot- 'tom of the front, but it furnishes valuable hints as to the close of the Fourth and the first half of the Fifth Dynasty. The short reigns at the close of the Fourth are fragmentarily indicated in 1. 1, and the lengths of the short reigns of the first three kings of the Fifth Dynasty roughly corroborate those indicated in the Turin Papyrus. 88. It will be seen that the monument is invaluable as a source for the chronology of the earliest dynasties. Accept­ ing 2900 B. C. as the date for the accession of the Fourth Dynasty, the Palermo Stone furnishes us an assured mini­ mum of 3400 B. C. as the beginning of the dynastic period and the accession of Menes. This date is only affected by

the uncertainty attending all our dates back of the Heracleopolitan rule. Future discovery may reduce the date of Menes by at most a century. 89. The content of these annals is also of great importance, but, as they are themselves only a summary, we cannot epitomize them here. Such facts as the dispatch of a fleet of forty vessels to bring cedar from Lebanon under Snefru are, of course, invaluable.

K in g s o f L o w er E g y p t

pu (---- p w ); Seka ($ k ° ); Khayu (I J ^ -y w ); Teyew ( T y w ); Thesh (Ti); NeQiebi (N -th W ); Wazenez ( W ^ d - 'n d ) ; Mekh (M h ); —a (—3) ; --------- a

KING Tb (NAME LOST)

Y e a r x + i Worship of Horus. Birth of Anubis.0

Y ea r x + 2 92. 6 months and 7 days.d

KING Ue (NAME LOST)

95. Birth of the two children of the King of Lower Egypt. 4 cubits, 1 palm. Year 4 96. Worship of Horus.

n trw ). Feast of Sokar. 5 cubits, 5 palms, 1 finger.

Year 6 98. Worship of Horus. Birth of the goddess Yamet (Y^m'f). 5 cubits, 1 palm.

99. Appearance0 of the King of Upper Egypt. Birth of Min. 5 cubits Year 8 100. Worship of Horus. Birth of Anubis. 6 cubits, 1 palm. Year 9

LOST KINGS 3----------------

KING V

K in g ’s N a m e

Year x + i

104. Smiting of the Troglodytes ( Y n ty w ). 4 cubits, 1 span.

105. Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. Sed jubilee. 8 cubits, 3 fingers.

106. ^Numbering of])d all people of the nomes of the west, north, and east. 3 cubits, 1 span.

108. rDesign1 of the House (called): “ Thrones-of-the-Gods.” Feast of Sokar. 5 cubits, i palm, 2 fingers.

Y e a r x + y

109. Stretching of the Cord (for) the House (called): “ Thrones-ofthe-Gods,” (by) the priest of (the goddess) Seshat ($P t, Sefkhet). Great Door. 4 cubits, 2 palms. ,

110. Opening of the Lake of the House (called): “ Thrones-of-the- G o d s” Shooting of the Hippopotamus. 2 cubits.

h i . Station (at) the lake of the temple of Harsaphes (H ry-P}) in Heracleopolis. 5 cubits.

112. Voyage (to) Sahseteni QS^Jp-Stny). Smiting of W erka {Wr-k^). 4 cubits, 1 span.

114. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. First occurrence of a Running-of-Apis.,,a 2 cubits, 1 span.

Y ea r x + i j 115. Birth of Seshat and Mefdet ( ) . 3 cubits, 5 palms, 2 fingers.

Y e a r x + i 4 a 116. [Appearance] of the King of Upper Egypt. Birth of —.

KING NETERIMU

K in g ’s N a m e Horus: Neterimu (N tr y -m w h) son of —

[First occurrence of the numbering.]

[Second occurrence of the numbering.] [First occurrence of the Feast of Sokar.]c

Y e a r 6d Worship of Horus. [Third occurrence of the numbering.]

Y e a r J 119. Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt.

Stretching of the Cord (for) the House (called) Hor-Ren (Hr-rri). 3 cubits, 4 palms, 2 fingers.

Year 8 120. Worship of Horus. Fourth occurrence of the numbering. 4 cubits, 2 fingers.

121. Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. Running of Apis. 4 cubits, 1 palm, 2 fingers.

Year 10 122. Worship of Horus. Fifth occurrence of the numbering. 4 cubits, 4 palms.

123. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. Second occurrence of the Feast of Sokar. 3 cubits, 4 palms, 2 fingers.

Year 12 124. Worship of Horus. Sixth occurrence of the numbering. 4 cubits, 3 fingers.

125. First occurrence of the Feast: “ Worship-of-Horus-of-Heaven” (Dw° -Hr-ft). Hacking up of the city: Shem-Re ($m-Rc). Hacking up of the city: “ House-of-the-North.” 4 cubits, 3 fingers.

Year 14 126. W orship of Horus. Seventh occurrence of the numbering. 1 cubit. Year 13 127. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt.

Second occurrence of “ Running-of-Apis.” 3 cubits, 4 palms, 3 fingers.

Year 16 128. Worship of Horus. Eighth occurrence of the numbering. 3 cubits, 5 palms, 2 fingers.

Y e a r 1 7 129. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. Third occurrence of the Feast of Sokar. 2 cubits, 2 fingers.

Year 18 130. W orship of Horus. N inth occurrence of the numbering. 2 cubits, 2 fingers.

3 cubits. Year 20 132. Worship of Horus. Tenth occurrence of [the numbering]

LOST KINGS S-----------

KING W (NAME LOST) Year 12° 133. Worship of Horus. Sixth occurrence of the numbering. 2 cubits, 4 palms, ij fingers.

134. Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. (The temple called): “ The-Goddess-Abides” was built (of) stone. 2 cubits, 3 palms, 1 finger.

Year 14 135. W orship of Horus. Seventh occurrence of the numbering of gold and lands. 3§ cubits. Year 15

136. Birth of Khasekhemui (H c-$fymwy). 1 cubit, 6 palms, 2% fingers.

Year 16 137. Worship of Horus. Eighth occurrence of the numbering of gold and lands. 4 cubits, 2 palms, 2§ fingers.

138. Fourth occurrence of bringing the wall of Dewazefa (D w*-dp). Shipbuilding. 4 cubits, 2 palms. Year 18 139. 2 months, 23 days.a

KING X (NAME LOST

140. Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. Union of the Two Lands. Circuit of the Wall. 4 cubits, 2 palms, 2§ fingers.

141. Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt.

Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. introduction1 of the King into the double Senuta-house. 4 cubits, i f palms. Year j 142. Worship of Horus. Birth of Min.

2 cu b its, 3 p a lm s, 2§ fingers.

143. Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. Stretching of the Cord (for) the House (called): “ Shelter-of-the- G ods” (Kbh-ntrw). 3 cubits, 3 palms, 2 fingers.

LOST REIGNS 6__________

KING SNEFRU 145. Year x + i c

[Birth of] the two children of the King of Lower Egypt. [Sixth occurrence of the numbering.]

146. Building of ioo-cubitd dewatowe-ships (Dw^-Pwy) of meru (mr) wood, and of 60 sixteene-barges of the king.

Hacking up the land of the Negro. Bringing of 7,000 living prisoners, and 200,000 large and small cattle. Building of the wall of the Southland and Northland (rcalled1) “ Houses-of-Snefru.” Bringing of 40 ships filled (with) cedar wood. 2 cubits, 2 fingers.

Y e a r x + 3 147. M aking 35 houses. I—1 of 122 cattle. Building of a 100-cubit dewatowe-ship (Dw^-Pwy) of cedar wood, and 2 100-cubit ships of meru wood. Seventh occurrence of the numbering. 5 cubits, 1 palm, 1 finger.

Y e a r x + 4 148. Erection of: “ Exalted-is-the-W hite-Crown-of-Snefru-upon-the-Southern-Gate. ” c “ Exalted-is-the-Red-Crown-of-Snefru-upon-the-Northern-Gate.” c M aking the doors of the king's palace of cedar wood. Eighth occurrence of the numbering. 2 cubits, 2 palms, 2J fingers.

LOST REIGNS 1-----------

KING Y King’s Name __________ a

LOST REIGNS ib__________

KING MENKURE ( ? ) c

KING SHEPSESKAF

150. a) Month 4 ( + x ), eleventh day. b) Appearance of the King [of Upper Egypt]. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt. Union of the Two Lands. Circuit of the Wall. Seshed (S$d) Feast. Birth of Upwawet. The king worships the gods who united the Two Lands. 151. c) ------------- selection of the place of the pyramid (called): “ Shelter-of-Shepseskaf.” 152. d) -------------20 r—1 of the South and North every day. -----------1,624*— ; --------------- 6°° —. 4 cubits, 3 palms, 2\ fingers.

BThese numerals, like those in 11. 2-4, are the numbers of the stat of land in the temple endowments of that year.

KING USERKAF

Third occurrence of the finding of —.

154. The King of Upper and Lower Egypt Userkaf; he made (it) as his monument for: 155. The spirits of Heliopolis: 20 offerings of bread and beer at every r—1 and every r—1 feast; 36 stat of land r 3 in the domain of Userkaf. 156. 1. The gods of the sun-temple (called): Sepre ( S p - R c) : 24 stat of land in the domain of Userkaf; 2 oxen, 2 geese every day. 2. Re: 44 stat of land in the nomes of the Northland; 3. Hathor: 44 stat of land in the nomes of the Northland. 4. The gods of the House of r—1 of Horus: 54 stat of land; erection of the shrine of his temple (in) Buto of the nome of Xois; 5. Sepa (Sp3): 2 stat of land; building of his temple. 6. Nekhbet in the sanctuary (ntry) of the South: 10 offerings of bread and beer every day. 7. Buto in Pernu (Pr-nw): 10 offerings of bread and beer every day. 8. The gods of the sanctuary (ntry) of the South: 48 offerings of bread and beer every day. 157. Year of the third occurrence of the numbering of large cattle. 4 cubits, 2\ fingers.

158. [The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Userkaf; he made (it) as his monument for]: -------------b: 1,700 stat r 1 in the North; -----------

KING SAHURE 3-----------------

159. a ) The King of [Upper] and Lower Egypt, Sahure; he made (it) as his monument for: i* — in H e lio p o lis;---------------200 r—\ -------------- divine barque _______ r i.

2. Nekhbet, mistress of Perwer (JP-wr) : 800 daily offerings of bread and beer; 3. Buto, mistress of Perneser (Pr-nsr): 4,800 daily offerings of bread and beer; 4. Re in the Senut-house (Snwl): 138 daily offerings of bread and beer; 5. Re in the Sanctuary (ntry) of the South: 40 daily offerings of bread and beer; 6. Re in Tep-het (Tp-ht): 74 daily offerings of bread and beer; 7. Hathor in the sun-temple, Sekhet-Re 4 daily offerings of bread and beer; 8. Re of the sun-temple, Sekhet-Re: *2,006* r—* stat of land in the nome of •’Xois1; 9. Mes (MS) : 2 stat of land in the nome of Busiris; 10. Sem (Sm): 2 stat of land in the nome of Busiris; 11. Khent-yawetef (Hnt-y^wtf): 2 r 1 stat of land in the Mem­ phite nome; 12. Hathor in Ro-she of Sahure: 2 r-------- 1 stat of land in the East; 13. Hathor in (the temple of) the pyramid, “ The-Soul-of-Sahure- Shines” : 1 stat of land in the Libyan nome; 14. T he White Bull: 13--r------1 stat of land in the eastern Khent nome (XIV). 15. ft) Third occurrence of the finding of r-------1 Year of the second numbering. 2 cubits, 2\ fingers.

160. T he King of Upper and Lower Egypt [Sahure; he made it as his monument for]:

7 o PALERMO STONE

The Divine Ennead,

Y e a r xja

161. 4[The king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Sahure; he made it as] his monument for:

1. ------------ 2. Re r—b — [stat] of land in the North and South; 3. Hathor: — [stat] of land in the North and South; 4. — : — [stat] of land in the North and South; 5. — : --------------all things. 6. There were brought from: 7. T he M alachite-country, ^ o o o 1 — . 8. Punt, 80,000 measures of myrrh, r6,ooo:i — of electrum, 2,600 r—1 staves,r-------\ Year after the rseventhlb numbering.

KING NEFERIRKERE

K in g ’s N a m e

163. Horus: W §r-fyc w ; c King of Upper and Lower Egypt; Favorite of the Two Goddesses: I f cw -m -s ty m w ------------ .

164. Second month, seventh day. Birth of the Gods. Union of the Two Lands. Circuit of the Wall.

165, The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neferirkere (Nfr-yrk*-Rc); he made (it) as [his] monument [for]: 1. T he Divine Ennead in r—1 of the Senut-house (Snwt) : r—1 stat of land in the city (called): “Neferirkere-Beloved-of-the-Divine-Ennead,” undera the House of Neferirkere in r—i; 2. The Spirits of Heliopolis and the Gods of Khereha (^ r-ch0):

r— 1 stat of land in the city (called): *1Nef erirkere-Beloved-of-the-Spiritsof-Heliopolis;” 251 ( + x ) stat of land in the eastern Khent nome (XIV) — under the two high-priests of Heliopolis, the prophets and Officials1 of his house r-------------1 3. Re: an altar; 4. Hathor: an altar; T--------------- i; r2io1 divine offerings, 203 offer­ ings of bread and beer; there was made r 1 peasant serfs r—X 5. There was fashioned r—1 of electrum, (rfor1) Ihi (Yhy), a statue, followed to the house of Hathor, [mistress] of the sycomore, in M eret- Snefru; 6. Re of Tep-het (Tp-nt); tnere was done for him the lik e -------------

166. [The King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neferirkere; he made it as his monument for]:

1. ------------ 2. r------------ 1 3. Re in the sun-temple: “ Favorite-Seat-of-Re;” there was made for him a feast of the Circuit-[of-the-Wall] ----------- . King Setneh (S tn h ) :c — stat of land. Year of the fifth occurrence [of the numbering].

167. 1. Appearance of the King of Upper Egypt. Appearance of the King of Lower Egypt.

2. Erection of the wall of the sun-barque at the south side [of the sun-tem ple: “ Favorite-Seat-of-Re ”]. 3. T he King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neferirkere; he made (it) as [his] monument [for]: 4. Re in the sun-temple: “ Favorite-Seat-of-Re” : r8 —® loaves: for the evening sun-barque — ; and for the morning sun-barque — . 5. The Souls of H elio p o lis:-------------of electrum; 6. Ptah, “ South-of his-W all” : — stat -------------. 7. Buto of the S o u th :------------- of electrum. 8 . --------------

SINAI IN SC R IPTIO N S*

The Autobiography of Uni (Vol. I) Cite

291. This is the longest narrative inscription and the most important historical document from the Old Kingdom. Uni’s career is narrated from its beginning under King Teti, through the entire reign of Pepi I, to its termination under Mernere. Besides the general instructiveness of the life of a great lord of the court in the Old Kingdom, Uni’s narra­ tive tells us of the only important wars of the Old Kingdom of which we are informed. The biography falls into three parts: I. Career under Teti (1. 1), §§ 292-94. II. Career under Pepi I (11. 2-32), §§306-15. III. Career under Mernere (11. 32-50) §§319-24.

292. Under this king Uni passed his childhood and entered upon his official career at the bottom of the ladder as an under-custodian of a royal domain.

Introduction 293. [Count, governor of the South], chamber-attendant, attached to Nekhen, lord of Nekheb, sole companion, revered before Osiris, First of the Westerners, Uni (Wny). He says:

Beginning of Career 294. *[I was a child]a who fastened on the girdle under the majesty of Teti (Tty); my office was that of supervisor of r— 3 and I filledb the office of inferior custodian of the domain of Pharaoh.0

306. Pepi I promoted the obscure under-custodian of the royal domains, to be a judge of the Nekhen court; at the same time giving him rank among the courtiers and an income as inferior prophet of the pyramid-temple. As judge he soon gained the confidence of his superiors. The king granted him the equipment for his tomb, which was brought from the Troja quarry for him, and then promoted him to a superior custodianship of the royal domain. He rapidly gained royal favor, and when it became necessary to prosecute one of the king’s wives, probably for conspiracy, he was chosen to hear the case with only one colleague. He was then called upon to organize an army for a cam­ paign against the Bedwin north of Sinai, and five times he was sent to quell revolts in this region. He finally pushed up into southern Palestine, which is the first Egyptian invasion of that country known in history.

Appointment as Judge

307. 2--------------- [I was] eldest of the r—1 chamber under the majesty of Pepi (Ppy). His majesty appointed me to the rank of com­ panion and inferior prophet of his pyramid-city. While my office was — 3his [majesty made me] judge attached to Nekhen (Nfyn). He loved mea more than any servant of his. I “ heard, ”b being alone with (only) the chief judge and vizier,c in every private matter 4— in the name of the king, of the royal harem and of the six courts of justice;d because the king loved mea more than any official of his, more than any noble of his, more than any servant of his.

Equipment 0} His Tomb by the King

308. Then I [be]sought — the majesty of the king that there be brought for me a limestone sarcophagus from Troja (RD The king had the treasurer of the god ferry over, together with a troop 6r0fi sailors under his hand, in order to bring for me this sarcophagus from Troja; and he arrived with it, in a large ship belonging to the court, together with [its] lid, 7the false door; the Getting1, two r—1, and one offering-tablet. Never was the like done for any servant, for I was excellent to the heart of his majesty, 8for I was pleasant to the heart of his majesty, for his majesty loved me.

Appointment as Superior Custodian'

309. While I was judge, attached to Nekhen, his majesty appointed me as sole companion and superior custodian of the domain of Pharaoh, and r—lh of the four superior custodians of the domain of Pharaoh, who were there. I did so that his majesty praised me, when preparing

«Cf. note on 1. 40, § 322. Gmhw is connected by Lemm with gmh't " w ick” and thought to be an oil basin (Zeitschrift fiir dgyptische Sprache, 1887, 115).

court,a when preparing the king’s journey (or) when making stations. I did throughout I0so that his majesty praised me for it above every­ thing.

P ro secu tio n 0} th e Q u een

310. bWhen legal procedure was instituted in privateb in the harem against the queen,c Imtes ( Y m ts )d his majesty caused me to enter, in order to hear (the case) alone. No I]Cchief judge and vizier at all, no prince at all was there, but only I alone, because I was excellent, because I was pleasant to the heart of his majesty; because his majesty loved me. I alone was the one who put (it) in writing, 1 together with a single judge attached to Nekhen; while my office was (only) that of superior custodian of the domain of Pharaoh. Never before had one like me heard the secret of the royal harem, except that the king caused I3me to hear (it), because I was more excellent to the heart of his majesty than any official of his, than any noble of his, than any servant of his.

W a r a g a in st th e B e d w in

311. His majestye made war one the Asiatic Sand-dwellers

(c:>m -h r y w -$ c) and I4his majesty made an army of many ten thousands: in the entire South, southward to Elephantine/ and northward to Aphroditopolis; in the Northland on both sidesg entire I5in the Tstronghold1,11 and in the midst of the Tstrongholds1, among the Irthet (y r tt) negroes, the Mazoi (M d ° ) negroes, the Yam ( Y m ^ m ) negroes, r6among the Wawat ( W ° w 0 ' t) negroes, among the Kau ( K DD ) negroes, and in the land of Temeh (T m h ).*

U n i L ea d s th e C a m p a ig n

312, His majesty sent me at the head of this army 17while the counts, while the wearers of the royal seal, while the sole companions of the palace, while the nomarchs and commanders of strongholds belonging to the South and the Northland; the companions, the caravanconductors, l8the superior prophets belonging to the South and the Northland, the overseers of the crown-possessions, were (each) at the head of a troop of the South or the Northland, of the strongholds and cities which they commanded, and of the negroes of these countries.

J$I was the one who made for them the plan while my office was (only) that of superior custodian of the domain of Pharaoh of r----------- \ Not one thereof r—la with his neighbor; 2°not one thereof plundered rdough1 (or) sandals from the wayfarer; not one thereof took bread from any city; 2Inot one thereof took any goat from any people. I despatched them from the Northern Isle, the Gate of Ihotep (y -h tp), the bendb of Horus, Nibmatc ( g r - n b - m ^ c t, Snefru). While I was of this rank 22----------- everything, I rinspectedle the number of these troops, (although) never had any servant inspected.®

R e tu rn 0 } th e A r m y

313. This army returnedf 33in safety, (after) it had hacked up the land of the Sand-dwellers; this army returned in safety, (after) it had destroyed the land of the Sand-dwellers; 24this army returned in safety, (after) it had overturned its strongholds; this army returned in safety, (after) it had cut down 2 sits figs and its vines; this army returned in

ewb?. It occurs also in Harkhuf inscriptions, §334, where the meaning is modified to “ explore”

safety, (after) it had thrown fire in all its [Uroops1]; this army returned a6in safety, (after) it had slain troops therein, in many ten thousands; this army returned in safety (after) [it had carried awaya] 27therefrom a great multitude as living captives. His majesty praised me on account of it above everything.

R evo lts of th e B e d w in

314. His majesty sent me to despatch [this army] a8five times, in order to traverse the land of the Sand-dwellers at each of their rebellions, with these troops. I did so that [his] majesty praised me [on account of it].

C a m p a ig n in S o u th ern P a le stin e

315. 2^When it was said there were revolters because of a matter among these barbarians in the land of GazeIle-nose,b I crossed over 3°in troop-ships with these troops, and I voyaged toc the back of the height of the ridged on 3Ithe north of the Sand-dwellers. When this army had been rbroughta in the highway, I came and smote them all 32and every revolter among them was slain.e

hm $rt r—i. The reading “ T iba” for this name, given by Maspero (Zeitschrift fiir dgyptische Sprache, 1883, 64) is not supported by the careful collation of Erman and Borchardt, nor by Piehl {ibid., 26, 112); nor by Sethe.

319. By Mernere Uni is at length appointed to exalted office, for this king made him governor of the South. As such he was entrusted by the king with the expedition to the granite quarries at the first cataract to secure the neces-

f sn-t3 u smelled the earth'” Sayce has misread the t 3-sign as n.

sary stone for the royal pyramid. Likewise he led another expedition to the quarry of Hatnub, back of Amarna, to pro­ cure an alabaster altar of vast size for the pyramid-temple. He then canalized the first cataract, excavating five channels, probably the first ever made there. This is in accordance with the interest in Nubia, displayed by Mernere, who visited the cataract in person and received the homage of the lower Nubian chiefs (§§316®.). Finally, under Mer­ nere, short as his reign was, Uni seems to have died.

A p p o in tm e n t a s G o vern o r o f th e S o u th

320. When I was rmaster of the footstool® of the palace and sandalbearer, the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mernere (M r -n -R °), my lord, who lives forever, made me count (/*3/y-c), and governor of the South, 33southward to Elephantine, and northward to Aphroditopolis ;a for I was excellent to the heart of his majesty, for I was pleasant to the heart of his majesty, for his majesty loved me. 3 4 When I was r master of the footstool1 and sandal-bearer, his majesty praised me for the watchfulness13 and vigilance, which I showed in the place of audience, above his every official, above [his every] noble, 3Sabove his every servant. Never before was this office conferred upon any servant. I acted as governor of the South to his satisfaction.0 Not one therein r—ld with [his] neighbor. 36I accomplished all tasks; I numbered everything that is counted*5 to (the credit of) the court in this South twice; all the corvee that is counted to (the credit of) the court in this South twice. I performed the r---------37--------lf in this

South; never before was the like done in this South. I did throughout so that his majesty praised me for it.

E x p e d itio n to th e S o u th ern Q u a rries

321. His majesty sent me 38to Ibheta ( Y b h 3 * /), to bring the sarcopha­ gus (named): “Chest-of-the-Living,” together with its lid and the costly, splendid pyramidion for the pyramid (called): ‘‘Mernere-Shines-andis-Beautiful,” of the queen. 322, 39His majesty sent me to Elephantine0 to bring a false door of granite,d together with its offering-tablet, doors and •settings1 of granite; 4°to bring doorways and offering-tabletse of granite, belonging to the upper chamber of the pyramid (called): “ Mernere-Shines-andis-Beautiful,” of the queen. Then I sailed down-stream 41to the pyramid (called): “Mernere-Shines-and-is-Beautiful,” with 6 cargo-boats, 3 rtow1-boats and 3 r—‘•-boats to only one warship. Never had Ibhet

and 43Elephantinea been visitedb in the time of any kings with only one warship. Whatsoever his majesty commanded me I carried outc completely according to all that his majesty commanded me*

E x p e d itio n to th e A la b a ster Q u a rr y a t H a tn u b

323. His majesty sent me to 43Hatnub ( H t-n b ) to bring a huge offering-table of hard stoned of Hatnub. I brought down this offeringtable for him in only 17 days, it having been quarriede in Hatnub, and I had it proceed down-stream in this* cargo-boat. 44I hewed for him a cargo-boat of acacia wood of 60 cubits in its length, and 30 cubits in its breadth, built® in only 17 days, in the third month of the third season (eleventh month). Although there was no 4Swater on the r—lh, I landed in safety at the pyramid (called): “ Mernere-Shines-and-is- Beautiful;” and the whole was carried out by my hand, according to the mandate which the majesty of my lord had commanded me.

S econ d E x p e d itio n to S o u th ern Q u a rries

324. His majesty sent [me]1 to dig five canalsi 4<5in the South and to make 3 cargo-boats and 4 ftow^-boats of acacia wood of Wawat

( W 3 w 3 * /). Then the negro chiefs of Irthet ( Y r r tt), Wawat, Yam ( Y ^ m ) and Mazoi ( M d D) a 47drew timber therefor, and I did the whole in only one year. They were launched and laden with very large granite blocks for the pyramid (called): “Mernere-Shines-and-is-Beautiful.” I then r—lb 48for the palace in all these 5 canals, because I honored, because I c \ because I praised the fame of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Mernere, who lives forever, more than all gods, and because I carried out everything ^according to the mandate which his ka commanded me. I was one beloved of his father, and praised of his mother; first­ born so— pleasant to his brothers, the count, the real governor, of the South, revered by Osiris, Uni (W n y ),

The Inscriptions of Harkhuf (Vol. I) Cite

325. The important inscriptions of this tomb inform us more fully than any other source, of the commercial relations of the Old Kingdom with the Negro peoples of the extreme

south, involving indirect traffic with the Sudan. Harkhuf was the most successful of the energetic caravan-leaders among the Assuan nobles. He made four journeys to the distant southern Nubian country of Yam and finally thence westward into unknown regions. Three of these journeys were under Mernere (§§ 332-35) and the last under Pepi II (§§ 350 ff.). His inscriptions and those of the other Assuan nobles, for the first time reveal to us the active commerce with the south conducted by these nobles residing on the southern frontier. 326. Harkhuf’s full titles were:a “Count (h^ty-*), governor of the South,b wearer of the royal seal, sole companion, ritual priest, caravan-conductor.” Besides these offices, he was also, “ chamber-attendant, attached to Nekhen, lord of Nekheb.”

327. He first enumerates some of the less important inci­ dents of his life, in connection with some of the qualities of his character.

328. I came today from my city, I descended from my nome, I built a house, I set up the doors. I dug a lake, and I planted trees. The king praised me. My father made a will for me, (for) I was excellent--------------[one beloved] of his father, praised of his mother,

translated and discussed by Erman, Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenldndischen Gesellschaft, XLV I, 574-79; with text, Zeitschrift filr dgyptische Sprache, 1892, 78-83 (journeys), and ibid., 1893, 65-73 (letter). The entire tomb with plan and texts is published by de Morgan (Catalogue des monuments, I, 162-73), but very inaccurately. As Erman’s text (in Zeitschrift filr dgyptische Sprache) is based on indistinct photographs, no accurate text has yet been published. The accom­ panying translation is based upon my copy of the Berlin squeezes, photographs by Borchardt, and Erman’s recent collation of the original, which he kindly placed at my disposal. Since writing the above, the excellent text of Sethe has appeared ( Urkunden, I, 120-31).

whom all his brothers loved. I gave bread to the hungry, clothing to the naked, I ferried him who had no boat. 329. O ye living, who are upon earth, [who shall pass by this tomb whether] going down-stream or going up-stream, who shall say: “ A thousand loaves, a thousand jars of beer for the owner of this tomb;” I will r—1 for their sakes in the nether world. I am an excellent, equipped spirit, a ritual priest, whose mouth knows. 330. As for any man who shall enter into [this], tomb [as his mor­ tuary possession, I will seizeb] him like a wild fowl; he shall be judged for it by the great god. 331. I was one saying good things and repeating what was loved. Never did I say aught evil, to a powerful one against any people, (for) I desired that it might be well with me in the great god’s presence. Never did I [judge two brothers0] in such a way that a son was deprived of his paternal possession.

In tro d u ctio nd

332. rCount, sole companion, ritual priest, chamber-attendant, judge attached to Nekhen, lord of Nekheb, wearer of the royal seal, caravan-conductor, privy councilor of all affairs of the South (tp -rsy), favorite of his lord, Harkhuf (H r-ty w f), 2..................e who brings the products of all the countries to his lord, who brings the tribute of the royal ornaments, governor of all countries of the South (1tp-rSy) y who sets the terror of 3Horusf among the countries, who does that which his lord praises,e .................the revered by Ptah-Sokar, Harkhuf.

F ir st J o u rn e y 333- 4He says: The majesty of Mernere ( M r -n - R c) my lord, sent me, together with my father, the sole companion, and ritual priest, Iri (Fry) to Yam (F ’w), in order to explore a road to this country. SI did it in only seven

months,a and I brought all (kinds of) gifts from it r \ I was very greatly praised for it.

Secon d J o u rn e y

334. His majesty sent me a second time 6alone; I went forth upon the Elephantine road, and I descended13 from Irthet ( Y r tt), Mekher

( M c fyr), Tereres (T r r s ), Irtheth ( Y r tt) , being an affair of eight months. When I descended13 7I brought gifts from this country in very great quantity. Never 8before was the like brought to this land. I descended from the dwelling of the chief of Sethud (S tw ) and Irthet

( Y r tt) , 9after I had explored6 these countries. Never had* any com­ panion or caravan-conductor who went forth to Yam (F 3 w) I0before this, done (it).g

T h ir d J o u rn e y

335. His majesty now sent me a third time to Yam; XII went forth from r—1 upon the Uhet (W h ^ ' /)h road, and I found the chief of Yam 12going to the land of Temeh (T m h ){ to smite Temeh I3as far as the western comer of heaven. I went forth after him to the land of Temeh, I4and I pacified him, until he praised all the gods for the king’s sake.

b“ Descend” usually means “ return;” but it is uncertain whether it has this meaning in both cases here, though it certainly does in the second.

S u p p lem en t to T h ir d J o u rn e ya 336. 1---------bt,c Y a m ( Y ^ m ) who followed in order to inform the majesty of Mernere, my lord, 2------------b after the chief of Yam. Now when I had pacified that chief of Yam 3------------- beiowd Irthet ( Y r tt) and above Sethu (S tw ), I found the chief of Irthet, Sethu, and Wawat 4 r----------- \ I descended with 300 asses laden with incense, ebony, heknu, grain, 5rpanthers, \ ivory, rthrow-sticks1, and every good product. Now when the chief of Irthet, Sethu, 6and Wawat saw how strong and numerous was the troop of Yam, which descended with me to the court, and the soldiers who had been sent with me, (then) 7this [chief] brought and gave to me bulls and small cattle,e and conducted me to the roads of the highlands of Irthet, because I was more excellent, vigi­ lant, and — 8than any count, companion or caravan-conductor, who had been sent to Yam before. Now, when the servant there was descending to the court, one8 sent the —, 9sole companion, the master of the bath, Khuni ( H w n y ) th ^ up-stream with a vessel laden with datewine, tcakes1, bread, and beer. IOThe count, wearer of the royal seal, sole companion, ritual priest, treasurer of the god, privy councilor of decrees, the revered, Harkhuf.

337. Idu, or Seneni, was priest of Pepi I, Mernere, and Pepi II, This document recorded in his tomb constitutes a gift of land to his wife, apparently as her mortuary endow­ ment, though it is not so called. Strangely enough, the location, size, and limits of the field are not given.

338. 1 Seneni, he saith: 2“ As for this field, which I have conveyed------------- 3which I have given to my beloved wife, Disnek ( D y y s-n k ) fit is her1] true [rpossession. As for any persons1] 4who shall take it from this Disnek, they shall be —b for it by the great god, 5lord of heaven, and I will seize them [like0] wild fowl. I am (now) an — and excellent spirit. I know 6.................. g[I have done] this for this Disnek, because she was so greatly honored in xomy heart; she said nothing to oppose my heart................” Disnek, she saith: “ I was one amiable , beloved of her entire city. As for any persons who shall take this land from me, I will enter into judgment with them, byd the great god.”

SINAI INSCRIPTIONS® 339. There is no relief with the king’s titulary, but the queen-mother is depicted with her inscription. The

date, the royal names and titles occupy four vertical columns, and beneath these is the inscription of the officers and officials who conducted the expedition.

D a te

340. Year of the second numbering of all large and small cattle of the North and South.a

Horus: Nuterkhu, Neferkere (N tr -fp c w , N f r - k ^ - R c), who lives forever; King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Golden Horus: Kherep; Neferkere, who lives forever, like Re.

341. King’s-mother, attached tob the pyramid: “Neferkere- Remains-Living,” king’s-wife, his beloved, attached to the pyramid: “ Merire-Remains-Beautiful,” Enekhnes-Merire, whom all the gods love.

Leader of the Expedition

342. Royal commission, sent with the treasurer of the god, Hepi

( f f p y ) , to the terrace, the name of which is “ Malachite:”0

Members of the Expedition

343. Captain, Bekneptah. Overseer of stone-work,d Uzai (IV d ^ y ). Chief scribe, Senezem. Captain and ) ( Merire-onekh. Caravan-conductor f ( Neke-onekh {N -k ^

Captain and Chief Overseer Judge and ) Scribe ) Leader of the Crew of Recruits

( Yekerib (Y k r -y b ). ■< Khnum-enkhef (H n > ii-Cn !y f). ( Hemukhrow (H m w -frrw ). H

Caravan-conductor, — khuf (— b w i)-

STELA OF THE TWO QUEENS, ENEKHNES-MERIRE*

344. The history of the royal family disclosed by this stela is of great interest as well as of historical importance. Zau, the vizier and chief justice under Pepi II, and perhaps earlier, erected the monument in memory of his brothers and sisters at Abydos. He was the son of a prince, named Khui, and his mother’s name was Nebet. Both his sisters married king Pepi I; one became the mother of Mernere, the other of Pepi II, so that besides being half-brothers, the two kings were on the mother’s side also cousins. The family tree appears thus:

With both his sisters queens and likewise successively the mother of the king, we can see how Zau became vizier

Enekhnes-Merire I—Pepi I—Enekhnes-Merire II Zau

Mernere Pepi II

and chief justice under Pepi II; Pepi II’s mother Enekhnes- Merire II was much honored by him, and appears with him in the dating of his Sinai inscription (§ 339).

Inscription over First Queen

345. King’s-wife, (attached to)a the pyramid (called): “ Merire- Remains-Beautiful,” very amiable, very favored, rgreat in possessions1, companion of Horus,b r—1 of Horus,b king’s-mother, (attached to) the pyramid (called): “ Mernere-Shines-and-is-Beautiful,” Enekhnes-Merire.

Inscription over Second Queen

346. King’s-wife, (attached to) the pyramid (called): “ Merire- Remains-Beautiful,” very amiable, very favored, daughter of the god, rgreat in possessions,1 companion of Horus,b r—1 of Horus, king’smother, (attached to) the pyramid (called): “ Neferkere-Remains- Alive,” Enekhnes-Merire.

Inscription over Man

347. Their brother, the chief justice and vizier, Zau (D c w ).

Below the preceding is Zau’s dedicatory inscription in­ troduced by an enumeration of his five brothers, all of whom bore the name Zau. Thus, the whole family, six brothers Zau, and two sisters Enekhnes-Merire, are all commemorated.

348. Their brother, the real hereditary prince, count (h3 ty-c) and governor of the pyramid-city, chief justice and vizier, overseer of the king’s records, prophet of the gods of Buto, prophet of the gods of Nekhen, chief ritual priest, sem priest and master of all wardrobes, wearer of the royal seal, judge r—1, revered by the god, Zau. 349. I made this in Abydos of Thinis, as one in honor with the majesty of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neferkere, who lives

forever, with the majesty of Kinga Merire and Kinga Mernere, out of love for the nome in which I was born by the favorite of the king, Nebet (N b ' t), to my father the hereditary prince, count, (meri-nuter) priest, honored by the great god, Khui ( H w y ) . O ye living, who are upon earth, every superior prophet, every prophet, every r— \ of the temple of the majesty of my lord, Osiris (H n ty y m n ty w ) ; as the king lives for you,b ye shall take for me the mortuary offerings from the income of this temple, of that which I have conveyed by a decree, and of that which ye convey for yourselves, when ye see my offices with the king; because I was more honored by my lord than [any] noble

350. Harkhuf has made a fourth voyage to Yam, and having sent word to the king of his safe return with many products of the south and especially a dancing dwarf, the king writes him a letter of thanks, promising great rewards, etc., if the dwarf is safely brought to court. This letter, Harkhuf had engraved on the fajade of his tomb, which was already complete, so that a further space for the letter had to be smoothed on the extreme right of the fafade, where none of the other Assuan tombs has any inscriptions at all. Thus was preserved to us the only complete royal letter of the Old Kingdom.0 It is as follows:

Date and Introduction

351. 2Royal seal, year 2, third month of the first season, (third month), day 15. 2Royal decree (to)a the sole companion, the ritual priest and caravan-conductor, Harkhuf (Hr-tyw}).

Acknowledgment 0} Harkhuf's Letter

3I have noted the m atter of this thy letter, which thou hast sent to the king, to the palace, in order that oneb might know that thou hast descended 4in safety from Yam with the army which was with thee. Thou hast said [in] this thy letter, that thou hast brought 5all great and beautiful gifts, which Hathor, mistress of Im u hath given to the ka of the 6king of Upper and Lower Egypt Neferkere (Nfr-k0 -R c) , who liveth forever and ever. Thou hast said in this thy letter,0 that thou hast brought a dancing dwarfd 7of the god from the land of spirits, like the dwarf which 8the treasurer of the god Burded (B> -wr-dd) brought from Punt in the time of Isesi (Fssy). Thou hast said to my majesty: “ Never ^before has one like him been brought by any other who has visitede Yam .”

352. Each year r—1 thee I0doing that which thy lord desires and praises; thou spendest day and night rwith the caravan1 in doing that which 11 thy lord desires, praises and commands. His majesty will make 13thy many excellent honors to be an ornament for the son of thy son forever, so that all people will say I3when they hear what my majesty doeth for thee: “ Is there anything like this£ which was done for the sole companion, Harkhuf, I4when he descended from Yam, because of the

vigilance which he showed, to do that which his lord desired, praised and commanded! ”

K i n g s In stru ctio n s

353. 15Come northwarda to the court immediately; r—1 l6thou shalt bring this dwarf with thee, which thou bringest living, prosperous and healthy from the land of spirits, I?for the dances of the god, to rejoice and rgladden1 the heart of the king of Upper and Lower Egypt, Neferkere, who lives forever. l8When he goes down with thee into the vessel, appoint excellent people, who shall be beside him I9on each side of the vessel; take care lest he fall into the water. When [he] sleeps at night appoint excellent people, 2°who shall sleep beside him in his tent;b inspect ten times a night. 21 My majesty desires to see this dwarf more than the gifts of Sinaic and 22of Punt (P w n t). If thou arrivest at court this dwarf being with thee 23alive, prosperous and healthy, my majesty will do for thee a greater thing than that which was done for the treasurer of the god, Burded (B ^ -w r-d d ) 24in the time of Isesi ( Y s s y ) , according to the heart’s desire of my majesty to see this dwarf. 354. 25Commands have been sent to the chief of the New Towns,d the companion, and superior prophet, to command that sustenance® be taken a6from him in every store-city and every temple, without stinting therein. ________

INSCRIPTIONS OF PEPI-NAKHT£

355 • This nobleman of Elephantine was of high rank, and was entrusted with important commissions by King Pepi II.

es s 3 = lit.: “ a causing to be s a t i s f i e d the reference is to the provisioning of the expedition by the places passed as it returns. The king has sent orders to the proper officer in each place that he shall furnish such provision.

He led two campaigns in Nubia (§§ 358, 359), and a remark­ able expedition to the north Red Sea for the rescue of the body of a nobleman bound for Punt, who had been killed by the Sand-dwellers while building his ship for the voyage (§ 360). ■ 356. His titles were as follows :a

Custodian of the domain, scribe of the phyle of the pyramid (called): “ Neferkere-Remains-Alive,” wearer of the royal seal, sole companion, Hekib ( H k ^ - y b ) ^ governor of the pyramid-city: “ Pepi- Remains-Beautiful,” sole companion, ritual priest, caravan-conductor, who brings the products of the countries to his lord, Pepi-nakht; 3chief of the phyle of the pyramid: “ Mernere-Shines-and-is-Beautiful;” who sets the terror of Horus [among] the countries, the revered Hekib, 4count, sole companion, chamber-attendant, judge attached to Nekhen, lord of Nekheb, revered by the great god, Pepi-nakht.

2I was one who said that which was good, and repeated that which was loved. Never did I say anything evil to a powerful one against any people, (for) I desired that it be well with me in 3the great god’s pres­ ence. I gave bread to the hungry, and clothing to the naked. Never

originally four lines of titles at the top on each side, but only two remain on the north (right) side. The texts (with plan of tomb) are published in de Morgan, Catalogue des monuments, 174-76, but de Morgan’s copyists (see 325, note) have failed of the correct reading in all difficult passages. The accompanying transla­ tion is based upon my copy of the Berlin squeezes; a collation of the original by Erman and Steindorff, very kindly placed at my disposal. [Later: Sethe’s collation with the squeezes has since been published by him ( Urkunden, 1 ,131-35).]

did I judge two brothers 4in such a way that a son was deprived of his paternal possession. I was one beloved of his father, praised of his mother, swhom his brothers and sisters loved.

First Nubian Expedition

The Annals of Thutmose III: The First Campaign (Vol. II) Cite

391. This document, containing no less than 223 lines, is the longest and most important historical inscription in Egypt, and forms the most complete account of the military achievements of any Egyptian king. It demonstrates the injustice of the criticism that the Egyptians were incapable of giving a clear and succinct account of a military campaign, for it shows plainly that at least in this reign careful, system­ atic records were made and preserved in the royal archives,

giving a detailed account of each invasion in language indi­ cating the strategic operations of the army in each of its many campaigns.

3 9 2 . The existence of such records is indicated in the account of the first campaign (11. xi, 12, § 433):

Now, all that his majesty did to this city, to that wretched foe and his wretched army, was recorded each day by its (the day’s) name under the title of: r—1 ----------- recorded upon a roll of leather® in the temple of Amon to this day. Elsewhere the king also speaks of “recording for the future” (§ 568, 1. 22). We even know the official, named Thaneni, who kept these records. His tomb, on the west shore at Thebes, first noticed by Champollion, contains, among others, biographical inscriptions in which he states :b

14 autres lignes que M. Lepsius a publi6es imparfaitement (Lepsius, Denkmdler H I, 31, ............)•” Mariette then appends the following table summarizing the above: i er chapitre: 19 l i g n e s...............................................Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 31,b

2C chapitre: 110 lignesf 67 lignes . . . Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 31, 6, b

43 lignes . . . Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 32 6 lignes perdues 14 lignes . . . Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 31, a 20 lignes . . . Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 30, a Total: 223 lignes Mariette gives 233 as the total, but refers to 223 (loc. cit., 32). They are in a very bad state of preservation, the upper courses having mostly disappeared, and with them the upper parts of the vertical lines of the inscription. The translation begins at the extreme northeast corner on the north wall and proceeds to the left. The complete text of the Annals has never been edited together; being scattered through several publications (see conspectus below) none of which is accurate except Bissing. These texts must be supplemented and corrected by fragments in Champollion, N otices descriptives, II, 154-58; Young, H ieroglyphics, 41-44; Description de VEgypte, PI. 38 (N o. 26, 27, 29); Brugsch, Recueil de monumentst PI. 56, Nos. 5-7; de Rouge, Revue archeologique, N . S., II, PI. 16; Griffith, Corrections from an early copy (about 1825) by James Burton, Zeitschrift filr dgyptische Sprache, X X X III, 125.

“ I followed "the Good God, Sovereign of Truth, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Menkheperre (Thutmose III); I beheld the victories of the king which he won in every country. He brought the chiefs of Zahi as living prisoners to Egypt; he captured all their cities; he cut down their groves; no country remained — ------ . I recorded the victories which he won in every land, putting (them) into writing accord­ ing to the facts.

There is no doubt that we have here the author of some of the ephemerides referred to in the Annals.a

393. The character of these ephemerides space will not permit us to discuss here, further than to note that in the account of the first, or Megiddo, campaign (§§4o8ff.) we have a somewhat full excerpt from them, in which the stra­ tegic details, like the line of march, the dispositions in battle, etc., are given with such clearness that it is possible to draw a plan of the field of battle. Unfortunately, this fulness in excerpting is confined to the Megiddo campaign, and even toward its end the abbreviation and omissionb already begin. That the excerpts are much abbreviated is distinctly stated in the account of the seventh expedition (1.13, § 472), with reference to the supplies furnished to the “harbors:”

“They (the supplies) remain in the daily register of the palace, the statemen of them not being given in this inscription, in order not to multiply words.®

394. The excerpting scribe, being a priest, is more inter­ ested in the booty than the strategic operations which led to its capture, because this booty was largely given to his temples; hence he pares down his extracts to the meagerest statement of the king’s whereabouts, adding a tolerably full summary of the booty and tribute. Indeed, it may be said that, although the king did command that this permanent record of his campaigns should be made on the temple wall, yet the entire record which we call the Annals serves as little more than an introduction to the list of feasts and offerings (§§ 541 ff.) by which the Annals are continued. They merely explain whence came the magnificent offerings to Amon. It is therefore frequently impossible to distinguish between a serious campaign® like that of Megiddo and mere expeditions for inspection.

395. The conquests recorded in the Annals involved the most serious military projects undertaken by any Egyptian king—projects so successfully carried out by Thutmose III that he is to be regarded as unquestionably the greatest military leader of ancient Egypt. Thutmose I had been able to march to the Euphrates without meeting any serious

•This register of daily supplies is, of course, not the ephemerides of Thaneni; but the fact of excerption is equally clear, nevertheless. This interesting statement finds a parallel in the tomb of Hui, where it is said concerning his praises: “ One mentions them {one) time (each) by its name, (for) they are too numerous to put them in w riting” (Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 117 = Denkmdler, Text, III, 302).

coalition of his foes, so far as we know. The results of his conquest had not been permanent; that is, they could not endure indefinitely without further campaigning, especially in the extreme north. This Hatshepsut had not done, although the Lebanon or a part of it was still held in the year 15. Then the kingdom and city of Kadesh, on the upper Orontes, quietly organized a formidable revolt, which united all Egypt’s Asiatic enemies from Sharuhen on the south to the Euphrates on the north. It is clear also that the powerful kingdom of Mitanni assisted this general revolt with men and means. For the Mitannian king natur­ ally feared to see the armies of the Pharaoh in Naharin at his very threshold. Early in the year 23, Thutmose III met and overthrew the allied Syrians at Megiddo, which he besieged and captured, and although he marched northward to the southern end of Lebanon, he was far from able to reach and punish Kadesh. But he established a fortress in the southern Lebanon, to prevent another southward ad­ vance by the king of Kadesh, and then returned home. 396. Of the next eighteen years the summers of sixteen were spent campaigning in Syria, making a total of seven­ teen campaigns. The next three campaigns (2, 3, and 4) are meagerly recorded,b but in the year 29, on the fifth campaign, we find the king plainly making preparations for the conquest of Kadesh, by first securing the coast and getting possession of the harbors of Phoenicia. He then returned to Egypt for the first time by water, and hereafter the army is regularly transported to Syria by the fleet. 397. The next year, therefore, the king disembarked his

army in some Phoenician harbor, and marched upon Kadesh, which he captured and chastised, returning then to the coast at Simyra, and going north to punish Arvad again. The foothold in north Syria necessary for an advance into the Euphrates country had now been gained, and Kadesh, the dangerous enemy who would have threatened his rear on such a march, had been subdued. The next year (31) was therefore spent in equipping the Phoenician harbors with supplies and quelling any smouldering embers of rebellion there. 398. It was not until the second year (33) after these preparations that the great king landed in Phoenicia for his march into the heart of Naharin. Already in the year 24, as a result of the great Megiddo victory, the king of Assur had sent presents, but now the Egyptians were again to plunder the Euphrates countries—a feat which had not been repeated since Thutmose I. The long and arduous march® was successfully made, the king of Mitanni, who had, with Kadesh, been the heart and soul of the Syrian resistance, was totally defeated, Carchemishb was reached and taken, the Euphrates was crossed, and at last Thutmose III sets up his boundary tablet, marking the northern limits of his empire, beside that of his father, Thutmose I. Before he has left the region the envoys from the king of Babylon and the king of the Hittites, having doubtless started at the news of his invasion, appear with their gifts. On his return to the coast the king arranges that the princes of Lebanon shall keep the harbors supplied with all provisions. 399. The conquest of all Syria has consumed exactly ten

years, but revolt has still to be reckoned with. Only a voyage of inspection along the Phoenician coast was required in the next year (34), but the revolt of the king of Mitanni called Thutmose into Naharin in the following year, and after a decisive defeat the people of Naharin were again brought under the Egyptian yoke. The records of the next two years (36 and 37) are lost, but in the year 38 we find the king punishing the princes of the southern Lebanon region, in order to protect the road north between the Lebanons. On this occasion, for the first time, he receives gifts from the prince of Cyprus, and also Arrapachitis, the later Assyrian province. 400. The punishment of the raiding Bedwin of southern Palestine forms a preliminary to the usual journey of inspec­ tion in the next year (39), and the record of the next two years (39 and 40) is too fragmentary to show more than that the tribute was paid as usual. 401. Finally, the long series of revolts in Syria culminates in a last desperate rebellion, in which Thutmose’s arch­ enemy, the source of most of his trouble in Syria, Kadesh, is the leader. Naharin sends allies, and Tunip likewise, so that the whole of north Syria, at least inland, is again combined against Thutmose. In the year 42 he proceeded first against Tunip, and after its subjugation besieged Kadesh, which was finally captured. Thus the nearly twenty years of Syrian campaigning was concluded, as it had begun, by the humiliation of Kadesh, which during all that time had been Egypt’s thorn in the flesh. This last down­ fall was final; Kadesh no longer stirred revolt in Syria,® and Thutmose III could relax his ceaseless efforts continued during seventeen campaigns.

402. The extent of these campaigns is further indicated by two lists of conquered Asiatic cities left by Thutmose III in the great Kamak temple. Those belonging to the first campaign, preserved in triplicate,® are 119 in number, and embrace, in general, the region from the northern limits of Palestine southward an uncertain distance into Judea (southern Judea being at that time already under Egyptian control; cf. Muller, Asien und Europa, 144, 154, 155), as well as Damascus and its district. Many Old Testament names have been recognized in it. It is introduced by the superscription:

List of the countries of Upper Retenu which his majesty shut up in the city of Megiddo (My-k-ty) the wretched, whose children his majesty brought as living prisoners to the city of Suhen-em-Opet,b on his first victorious campaign, according to the command of his father Amon, who led him to excellent ways.

The third copy of the list (Mariette, Kamak, 19) has the same superscription, with the variant:

to the city of Thebes, in order to fill the storehouse® of his father Amon, [presider over] Kamak, on his first, etc.

The second copy of the list has a different superscription:

All inaccessible lands of the marshes of Asia,® which his majesty brought as living captives----------- they had never been trodden by the other kings, beside his majesty —,

a title which would indicate that some of the places belong farther north than the limits above indicated.

403. The second listb embraced 248 names (of which many are lost) of cities in northern Syria and also perhaps as far east as the Chaboras River,0 but our geographical knowledge of this region is too meager as yet to identify any number of the places included.

404. In addition to these materials the great list of “ Feasts and Offerings from the Conquests” (§§ 547 ff.), the Build­ ing Inscription of the Karnak Ptah-Temple (§§609 ff.), the king’s obelisks (§§ 629 ff.), and his “ Hymn of Victory” (§§655 ff.), furnish important references to the campaigns. The great portal of Pylon VII at Karnak also bore a long recital of his wars, of which only scanty fragments have survived (§§ 593 fl-)- 405. The tombs of the contemporary officials in the Theban cemetery also contain very valuable supplementary material. The career of Amenemhab, the most important of these, is translated below (§§ 574 ff.). Next to these are the representations in the tomb of Rekhmire (§§76off.), which show many of the objects mentioned in the tribute lists of the Annals, besides a reference to Thutmose I ll’s campaigns (§ 755). The tomb of Menkheperreseneb shows

the tribute of Asia (§§ 772 ff.). The tomb of Puemere con­ tains a relief showing the reception of tribute from “the ends 0} Asia” (§ 385), and that of Imnezeha ( F 3 m-ndh) a similar scene of tribute from “Retenu the wretched.” Finally, among the most interesting of these contemporaries is the court herald, Intef, who tells how he preceded Thutmose III on the march and prepared the Syrian palaces for his reception (§§771, 11. 24-27).

Battle of Megiddo; captured: Megiddo, Yenoam, Nuges, Herenkeru; built fort in Lebanon; tribute and booty of these.

[ f o u r t h c a m p a i g n , y e a r s 26-28] ( § 4 5 3 ) Lost.

(Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, XII, 11. 1-7; Mariette, Karnak, 13, 11. i-6=Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1168-70, 11. 1-7 = Bissing, Statistische Tajel, 11. 1-7.) Second caption; campaign in Zahi; capture of “W* r 1”; sacrifice to Amon; spoil of city; capture of Arvad; list of tribute received “on this expedition;” sailed home.

(Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, XII, 11. 7-9; Mariette, Karnak, 13, 11. 7, 8=Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1170, 1171, 11. 7-9 = Bissing, Statistische Tajel, 11. 7-9.) Capture of Kadesh; tribute of Retenu; punishment of Arvad.

(Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, XII, 11.9-17; Mariette, Karnak, 13, 11. 9-i6=Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1171-73, 11. 9-i7=Bissing, Statistische Tajel, 11. 9-17.) Capture of Ullaza; tribute of Retenu; supplies for the harbors; harvest of Retenu; tribute of Genebteyew; impost of Wawat.

(Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, XII, 11. 17-29; Mari­ ette, Karnak, 13, 11. i7-28=Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1173-75, 17-29= Bissing, Statistische Tajel, 11. 17-29.) Conquest of Naharin; battle in Naharin; the booty (capture of Carchemish); crossing of Euphrates; boundary tablets; tribute of Naharin, supplies for the harbors; tribute of Babylon; tribute of Hittites; Punt expedition; impost of Wawat.

174 EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY: THUTMOSE III [*406

Surrender of Zahi towns; tribute of Retenu; supplies for the harbors; tribute of Cyprus; impost of Kush and Wawat.

(Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, XII, 11. 37-41; Lep­ sius, Denkmdler, III, 31, a, 11. i-3=Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1177, 1178, 11. 37-44, and 1. 2=Bissing, Statistische Tafel, 11. 37-44.) Revolt of Naharin; battle in Naharin, king’s booty; army’s booty; impost of Kush and Wawat.

(Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 31, a, 11. 3-10= Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1178-81, 11. 2-9.) Capture of Nuges; booty of same; tribute of Syria; harbor supplies; tribute of Cyprus and Arrapakhitis; prod­ ucts of Punt; impost of Kush and Wawat.

(Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 30, a, 11. 1 -4 = Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1182, 11. 1-4; photograph by Borchardt.) Tribute of Cyprus; impost of Kush and Wawat.

(Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 30, a, 11. 4-10= Brugsch, Thesaurus, 1182, 1183, 11. 4-10; photograph by Borchardt.) Tribute of Retenu; tribute of Hittites; impost of Kush and Wawat.

(Lepsius, D en k m a ler, III, 30, a , 11. 10-20=Brugsch, T h e sa u ru s, 1183-85, 11. 10-20; photograph by Borchardt.) Campaign against Kadesh; overthrow of Erkatu, Tunip, Kadesh; booty of these; harbor supplies; tribute of un­ known country; of Tinay; impost of Kush and Wawat.

I. INTRODUCTION 407. xHorus: “ Mighty Bull, Shining in Thebes; ------------. 2 King of Upper and Lower Egypt, aLord of the the Two Lands :a Menkheperre; Son of Re: [Thutmose (III)]------------ -b 3His majesty commanded to cause to be recorded [his victories which his father, Amon, gave to him, uponc] 4a tabletd in the temple which his majesty made for [his father, Amon, rsetting forth each1]® 5expedition by its name, together with the plunder which [his majesty]f carried away [therein. It was done according to]f 6all fthe command1] which his father, Re, gave to him.

408. This, the most important of Thutmose I ll’s cam­ paigns in Asia, is fortunately the most fully recorded. The

£ Restored from Lepsius, Auswahl der wichtigsten Urkunden, XII, second horizontal line.

occasion of the campaign was a general revolt among his father’s Syrian conquests from Sharuhen to the Euphrates. Fighting had already developed in Sharuhen, which was, of course, too near the Egyptian frontier to venture to make common cause with the revolters; and hence conflict re­ sulted there. We are taken with the king and clearly shown his operations day by day till he overthrows a coalition of practically all Syria at Megiddo, headed by the king of Kadesh. He then besieges and captures Megiddo, but from the surrender of Megiddo on, the record degenerates, as in all the other campaigns, to little more than a list of spoils. Fortunately, this latter part of the campaign is supplemented and really continued by the introduction to the list of feasts and offerings® established on the king’s return to Thebes from this campaign. The close of the campaign is there narrated, mentioning a fortress established in the Lebanon, whither the king had marched after the fall of Megiddo, capturing there the three cities at the seaward bend of the Litany River, which we may call the Lebanon Tripolis:b Yenoam, Nuges, and Herenkeru, commanding the thoroughfare northward between the Lebanons. All this serves merely as an introduction to the splendid feasts of victory cele­ brated by the king, as is distinctly stated “on his return from the first victorious c a m p a ig n The date of these celebrations is preserved, and enables us for the first and only time to determine the length of an Egyptian campaign in Syria. 409. The entire calendar of the campaign, as far as can be determined, is as follows:

al5 541ffbOnly the spoil of these cities is enumerated in the Annals, the march thither being entirely ignored. The record of feasts and offerings only mentions them later to say that they were given to Amon.

E v e n t A p p r o x im a te D i s t a n c e (English Miles)

E g y p t ia n C a l e n d a r M o d e r n C a l e n d a r

Year of Reign Calen­ dar Month Day Approximate Date

In T h a ru ............................................. | 160 22d 8th 25th April 19 In Gaza; Feast of Coronation . . . 23d it 9th n 4th “ 28 Departure from Gaza....................... >c. 80 to 90 ?

5th “ 29 In Yehem.........................................\ a a 16th May 10 In A runa........................................./ it n 19th “ Departure from A ru n a .................. | c. 4 or $ tt tt 20th “ 14 Arrival before M egiddo.................. tt tt 20th “ i 4 Battle of Megiddo............................. tt a 2ISt “ IS Beginning of siege of M egiddo... tt a 2 IS “ T5 Capture of M egiddo........................ | at least 75 it n ? ? ? March to Lebanon........................... it ? ? ? ? Capture of Yenoam, Nuges, Herenkeru....................................... it ? ? ? ? Construction of fort in Lebanon.. | over 900 tt ? ? ? ? Return to Thebes, not later than ti 2d I 4 t h Oct. 11

410. In less than 148 days, roughly five months, Thut­ mose III fought the Battle of Megiddo, completely invested with a wall the powerful fortress of Megiddo itself, and captured it; marched northward seventy-five miles to the Lebanon region, captured three cities, and built a fortress there; completed the return to the Delta coast and the voyage up-river to Thebes; and celebrated his first feast of victory there. The entire campaign from the departure from Tharu to the arrival in Thebes lasted a maximum of 175 days; that is, in five months and twenty-five days from the day on which he left Tharu he was celebrating his great Feast of Amon at Thebes. Fortunately, we are able to locate this period approximately in the astronomical calendar and tell in what month he went and returned.4 (See § 409,

last column). It is thus evident that the campaign falls exactly within the limits of the dry season in Palestine.®

411. Beside the celebration in Thebes, the victory was celebrated and recorded in a poetic inscription by the viceroy of Kush, Nehi (§§ 412, 413), at Wadi Halfa. It refers to the first campaign, as follows:

412. -------------who (a god) stationed I0his majesty at the Horns of the Earth, in order to overthrow the Asiatics (Mnt* w-Stt). I am the Mighty Bull, Shining in Thebes, Son of Atum, beloved of Montu, “ fighting for his army himself, that the Two Lands may see it; it is no lie. I came forth from the house of my father, the king of gods, Amon, who decrees me victory. 413. “ The king himself, he led the way of his army, mighty at its head, like a flame of fire, the king who wrought with his sword. He went forth, none 13 like him, slaying the barbarians, smiting Retenu (Rinw t, sic!), bringing their princes as living captives, their chariots wrought I4with gold, bound to their horses. The countries of Tehenu do obeisance because of the fame of his majesty, with their tribute upon

width of column and height of corresponding signs it is identical with a block bearing the name of Thutmose III. Erman, with whom I examined it, was of the same opinion. Unfortunately, the regnal year is not given; but since my attempt to determine the season of the campaign (Zeitschrift fiir dgyptische Sprache, 37, 127 f.) on the basis of the Sothis date, the new moon dates have been finally estab­ lished by Meyer, which modify my series of dates by two days, but corroborate entirely the season as I established it (Meyer, Abhandlungen der Berliner Akademie, 1904, Aegyptische Chronologie, 49 f.).

t h e ir b a c k s, 15 a s d o t h e d o g s, t h a t t h e r e m ig h t b e g iv e n t o t h e m

t h e b r e a t h o f li f e .

414. Tnere is here further reference to the king’s personal leading of his army through the mountains and in the Megiddo battle. Furthermore, we see that Libyans came with tribute on the king’s return from the campaign. The Annals narrate the campaign as follows:

At the Frontier in Tharu 415. Y e a r 2 2 , f o u r t h m o n t h o f t h e se c o n d se a so n ( e i g h t h m o n t h ) ,

o n t h e t w e n t y - f if t h a d a y [ h is m a j e st y w a s in ] 7T h a r u (T °-rw) o n t h e fir st

v ic t o r io u s e x p e d it i o n t o [ e x t e n d ] 8t h e b o u n d a r ie s o f E g y p t w it h m ig h t

Revolt in Asia 416. ^ N o w , ( a t ) t h a t p e r io d b [rt h e A si a t ic s h a d f a ll e n i n t o ) xod is-

a g r e e m e n t ,1 e a c h m a n [ f ig h t in g 0] a g a in st p h i s n e ig h b o r 1] -------------------.

“ N o w , it h a p p e n e d rt h a t t h e t r ib e s1 t h e p e o p le , w h o w e r e th e r e

I2in t h e c it y o f S h a r u h e n (5 3-r °-h 3- « ) ; b e h o ld , f r o m Y e r a z a d ( F - r 3- d 3)

I3t o t h e m a r sh e s o f t h e e a r t h ,d ( t h e y ) h a d b e g u n t o r e v o lt a g a in st h is

m a j e st y . Arrival in Gaza, Feast of Coronation 417. Y e a r 2 3 , f ir st ( m o n t h ) o f t h e t h ir d se a so n ( n in t h m o n t h ) , o n

t h e f o u r t h d a y , e t h e d a y o f t h e f e a st o f t h e k in g 's c o r o n a t io n , ( h e a r r iv e d )

I4a t t h e c it y , £t h e p o sse ssio n o f t h e r u le r ,f G a z a g (G^-d^-tw).

Departure from Gaza 418, [ Y e a r 2 3 ] 15fir st m o n t h o f t h e t h ir d se a so n ( n in t h m o n t h ) , o n

t h e f if t h d a y ; d e p a r t u r e f r o m t h is p la c e in m i g h t , l6 in p o w e r , a n d

i n t r iu m p h , t o o v e r t h r o w t h a t w r e t c h e d f o e , a t o e x t e n d I7t h e b o u n d a r ie s

o f E g y p t , a c c o r d in g a s h is f a t h e r , A m o n - R e , Q ia d c o m m a n d e d 1

t h a t h e se iz e . Arrival at Yehem 419. Y e a r 2 3 , f ir st m o n t h o f t h e t h ir d se a so n ( n in t h m o n t h ) , o n t h e

six t e e n t h d a y , ( h e a r r iv e d ) a t t h e c it y o f Y e h e m ( Y-hm) .

Council of War 420. [ H i s m a j e st y ] o r d e r e d I9a c o n su l t a t io n w it h h is v a li a n t t r o o p s,

sa y in g a s f o ll o w s: “ T h a t [w r e t c h e d ] e n e m y , [ t h e c h ie f] 2° o f K a d e sh (Kd-$w), h a s c o m e a n d e n t e r e d in t o M e g id d o ( My-k-ty) ; h e f i s th e r e 1]

2 Ia t t h is m o m e n t . H e h a s g a t h e r e d t o h im se lf t h e c h ie f s o f [a ll] t h e

c o u n t r ie s [ w h ic h a r e ] 22o n t h e w a t e r o f E g y p t ,b a n d a s f a r a s N a h a r in

( N-h-ry-n) , c o n sist in g o f [ t h e c o u n t r ie s] o f 23t h e K h a r u t h e

K o d e (Kdw) , t h e ir h o r se s, t h e ir t r o o p s, -------------------2< th u s h e sp e a k s, ‘ I

h a v e a r ise n t o f f i g h t a g a in st h is m a j e st y 1] 2Sin M e g id d o (My-k-ty).9

Advice of the Officers 421, T h e y sp o k e in t h e p r e se n c e o f h is m a j e st y , “ H o w is it , t h a t

[w e ] sh o u l d g o u p o n t h is r o a d , 2 7w h ic h t h r e a t e n s t o b e n a r r o w ? W h ile

t h e y f c o m e 1] 28a n d sa y t h a t t h e e n e m y i s t h e r e w a it in g , [Q io ld ^ in g t h e

29w a y a g a in st a m u lt it u d e . W il l n o t h o r se c o m e b e h in d [ h o r se d a n d

m a n b e h i n d e] 3° m a n li k e w i se ? S h a l l o u r ^ a d v a n c e - g u a r d 1] 31 b e

f ig h t in g w h i le o u r [rr e a r - g u a r d 1] f is y e t st a n d in g y o n d e r 32in A r u n a

(cD -rw-n°) n o t h a v in g f o u g h t ? T h e r e a r e y e t t w o ( o t h e r ) r o a d s: 33o n e r o a d , b e h o ld , i t [w ill] — u s, f o r it c o m e s f o r t h a t 3< T a a n a c h

( r D- c °-kD) , t h e o t h e r , [b e h o l] d , it w ill [ b r in g u s u p o n ] a sth e w a y

n o r t h o f Z e f t i ( Df-ty) , so t h a t w e sh a l l c o m e o u t t o t h e n o r t h o f M e g id d o (My-k-ty). 36L e t o u r v ic t o r io u s lo r d p r o c e e d u p o n [t h e r o a d ] h e d e sir e s;

( b u t ) c a u se u s n o t t o g o b y a d if f ic u lt a r o a d .”

Decision of the King 422. T h e n — b ^ m e sse n g e r s1 c o n c e r n in g [th is] d e sig n 39w h ic h t h e y

h a d u t t e r e d , in v ie w o f w h a t h a d b e e n sa id •'by1 t h e m a j e st y o f t h e

C o u r t , L . P . H .: “ I [ sw e a r ], a s R e lo v e s m e , a s m y f a t h e r A m o n , f a v o r s

m e , a s m y [ n o str ils] a r e r e j u v e n a t e d w it h sa t isf y in g li f e , m y m a j e st y

w ill p r o c e e d u p o n t h is r o a d o f 42A r u n a ( c D-rw-n 3) . L e t h im w h o w ill

a m o n g y o u , g o u p o n t h o se 43r o a d s y e h a v e m e n t io n e d , a n d le t h im w h o

w ill 44a m o n g y o u , c o m e in t h e f o ll o w i n g o f m y m a j e st y . S h a l l t h e y

t h in k a m o n g t h o se 45e n e m i e s w h o m R e d e t e st s: ‘ D o e s h is m a j e st y p r o ­

c e e d u p o n 46a n o t.h e r r o a d ? H e b e g in s t o b e f e a r f u l o f u s/ so w ill t h e y

t h in k .” Submission 0} the Officers 423. 47T h e y sp o k e b e f o r e h is m a j e st y : “ M a y t h y f a t h e r A m o n ,

lo r d o f T h e b e s, p r e sid e r o v e r K a r n a k , rg r a n t t h e e li f e 1. ^ B e h o l d , w e

a r e t h e f o ll o w i n g o f t h y m a j e st y in e v e r y p la c e , w h i t h e r [ t h y m a j e st y ]

p r o o e e d e t h ; 49a s t h e se r v a n t is b e h in d [ h is] m a st e r .”

Departure from Yehem 424. 3°[rT h e n h is m a j e st y 1] c o m m a n d e d t h e e n t ir e a r m y f t o m a r c h 1]

-------------------[ u p o n ] 51 t h a t r o a d c w h ic h t h r e a t e n e d t o b e [ n a r r o w . H i s

m a j e st y ] 52sw o r e , sa y in g : “ N o n e sh a l l g o f o r t h f i n t h e w a y 1] S3b e f o r e

m y m a j e st y , i n --------------------------- 54H e w e n t fo r t h a t t h e h e a d o f h is a r m y

h im se lf , rsh o w in g [ t h e w a y 1] S5b y h is ( o w n ) f o o t st e p s ;e h o r se b e h in d f

[ h o r se ] , f h i s m a j e st y 1]8 b e in g s6a t t h e h e a d o f h is a r m y .

Arrival at Aruna 425. Y e a r 2 3 , f ir st m o n t h o f t h e t h ir d se a so n ( n in t h m o n t h ) , o n t h e

n in e t e e n t h d a y ; t h e w a t c h in [ sa f e t y ] a 57in t h e r o y a l t e n t w a s a t t h e

c it y o f A r u n a (C3 - n p - t t 3) . b $8“ M y m a j e st y p r o c e e d e d n o r t h w a r d

u n d e r ( t h e p r o t e c t io n o f m y ) f a t h e r , A m o n - R e , lo r d o f T h e b e s, [ w h o

w e n t ] 59b e f o r e m e , w h ile H a r a k h t e [ st r e n g t h e n e d m y a r m s] 0 -------------------

6o( m y ) f a t h e r , A m o n - R e , lo r d o f T h e b e s, v ic t o r io u s o f t h e sw o r d

Battle in the Mountains 426. [ T h e e n e m y ] w e n t f o r t h 6ain n u m e r o u s b a t t le a r r a y

------------------ . 63T h e so u t h e r n w in g w a s in T a a [ n a c h ] (T 3-c 3 [-n 3-& 3]),

64t h e n o r t h e r n w in g w a s o n t h e g r o u n d so u t h o f -------------------. 63H i s

m a j e st y c r ie d o u t t o t h e m b e f o r e 66t h e y f e l l; b e h o ld , t h a t

w r e t c h e d f o e e --------------------67--------------------68--------------------o f [ t h e c it y o f ] f A r u n a {z-^-rw-n 3).

Danger of the Rear

4 2 7 . N o w , t h e r e a r o f t h e v ic t o r io u s a r m y o f h is m a j e st y w a s a t t h e

c it y o f 70A r u n a (c ^ -rw -n3) , t h e f r o n t w a s g o in g f o r t h t o t h e v a ll e y o f

— ;a 71 t h e y f ille d t h e o p e n in g o f t h is v a ll e y . T h e n [ th e y ] sa id in t h e

p r e se n c e o f h is m a j e st y , L . P . H . : 72“ B e h o ld , h is m a j e st y g o e t h f o r t h

w it h h is v ic t o r io u s a r m y , a n d it h a s f ille d 73t h e h o llo w o f t h e v a ll e y ;

le t o u r v ic t o r io u s lo r d h e a r k e n t o u s t h is t im e b a n d 7* le t o u r lo r d p r o t e c t

f o r u s t h e r e a r o f h is a r m y a n d h is p e o p le . 75L e t t h e r e a r o f t h is a r m y

c o m e f o r t h t o u s b e h in d ; t h e n sh a l l t h e y ( a lso ) f ig h t a g & in st 76t h e se

b a r b a r ia n s; t h e n w e sh a ll n o t ( n e e d t o ) t a k e t h o u g h t f o r t h e r e a r o f o u r

77a r m y .” H i s m a j e st y h a lt e d o u t si d e a n d w a it e d 78t h e r e , p r o t e c t i n g

t h e r e a r o f h is v ic t o r io u s a r m y .

Exit from the Mountains

4 2 8 . B e h o ld , w h e n t h e f r o n t h a d r e a c h e d t h e e x i t u p o n t h is r o a d ,

t h e sh a d o w h a d t u r n e d ,0 a n d w h e n d lh is m a j e st y a r r iv e d a t t h e so u t h

o f M e g id d o (My-k-ty) o n e t h e b a n k o f t h e b r o o k o f K i n a ( K y - n * ), th e

se v e n t h h o u r £ w a s t u r n in g , ( m e a su r e d ) b y t h e su n .

Camp in Plain of Megiddo

4 2 9 . T h e n w a s se t u p t h e c a m p o f h is m a j e st y , a n d c o m m a n d w a s

g iv e n t o t h e w h o l e a r m y , sa y in g : “ E q u ip y o u r se lv e s! P r e p a r e y o u r

w e a p o n s! f o r w e® sh a ll a d v a n c e t o f ig h t w it h t h a t w r e t c h e d f o e in t h e

m o r n in g .” •’T h e r e f o r e 1 t h e k in g 2r e st e d in t h e r o y a l t e n t , t h e ra ffa ir slh

o f t h e c h ie f s w e r e a r r a n g e d , a n d t h e p r o v isio n s o f t h e a t t e n d a n t s. T h e

w a t c h o f t h e a r m y w e n t a b o u t , sa y in g , “ S t e a d y o f h e a r t ! S t e a d y o f

h e a r t ! W a t c h f u l ! W a t c h f u l \{ W a t c h f o r lif e a t t h e t e n t o f t h e k i n g .”

O n e c a m e t o sa y t o h is m a j e st y , “ T h e la n d is w e ll , a n d t h e in f a n t r y o f

t h e S o u t h a n d N o r t h li k e w i se .”

‘Proper name ending in n. bPetrie, H istory of Egypt, II, 106. cIt was past midday. dA new enumeration of twenty-eight longer lines begins here. eThe army here emerges in safety upon the plain in the afternoon of the twentieth, and camps unmolested that night, to go forth to battle in the morning of the twenty-first. f About one o’clock p . m . eThe text has the impersonal “ one.11 hSee §341, 1. 17, for the same rare phrase. 'Lit., “ Watchful of head11 meaning “ to be vigilant,” e. g., of the king (Amen­ hotep III) on the architrave at Luxor: “ the Good God who is very vigilant (lit., watchful of head) over the house of his father, Am on” (Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 73, b; _again ibid., e); and often of the vigilance of a faithful official.

Battle of Megiddo 430. Y e a r 2 3 , f ir st ( m o n t h ) o f t h e t h ir d se a so n ( n in t h m o n t h ) , o n

t h e t w e n t y - f ir st d a y , t h e d a y o f t h e f e a st o f t h e n e w m o o n , rc o r r e sp o n d in g

t o 1 t h e r o y a l c o r o n a t io n , e a r ly in t h e m o r n in g , b e h o ld , c o m m a n d w a s

g iv e n t o t h e e n t ir e a r m y t o m o v e . 3H i s m a j e st y w e n t f o r t h in a

c h a r io t o f e le c t r u m , a r r a y e d in h is w e a p o n s o f w a r , l i k e H o r u s, t h e

S m it e r , lo r d o f p o w e r ; l i k e M o n t u o f T h e b e s, w h i le h is f a t h e r , A m o n ,

st r e n g t h e n e d h is a r m s. T h e so u t h e r n w in g o f t h is a r m y o f h is m a j e st y

w a s o n a h i l l so u t h o f t h e [ b r o o k o f ] a K i n a (K y-n 3) , t h e n o r t h e r n w i n g

w a s a t t h e n o r t h w e st o f M e g id d o (My-k-ty) ,h w h i le h is m a j e st y w a s in

t h e ir c e n t e r , w it h A m o n a s t h e p r o t e c t i o n o f h is m e m b e r s, r— 1 t h e v a lo r

— 4o f h is lim b s. T h e n h i s m a j e st y p r e v a i le d a g a in st t h e m a t t h e h e a d

o f h is a r m y , a n d w h e n t h e y sa w h is m a j e st y p r e v a i lin g a g a in st t h e m

t h e y f le d h e a d lo n g t o M e g id d o (My-k-ty) in f e a r ,c a b a n d o n in g t h e ir

h o r se s a n d t h e ir c h a r io t s o f g o ld a n d silv e r . T h e p e o p le d h a u l e d t h e m

( u p ) , p u l lin g ( t h e m ) b y t h e ir c l o t h i n g , in t o t h is c i t y ; t h e p e o p le o f t h is

c i t y h a v in g c l o se d ( i t ) a g a in st t h e m [ a n d •'lo w e r e d 1] c l o t h i n g 1 ° P u ^

t h e m u p in t o t h is c it y . N o w , i f o n ly t h e a r m y o f h i s m a j e st y h a d n o t

g iv e n t h e ir h e a r t t o p lu n d e r in g t h e t h in g s o f t h e e n e m y , t h e y w o u l d h a v e

[ c a p t u r e d ] M e g id d o (My-k-ty) a t t h is m o m e n t , w h e n t h e w r e t c h e d f o e

o f (Kd-S) K a d e sh a n d t h e w r e t c h e d f o e o f t h is city® w e r e h a u l e d u p in

h a st e t o b r in g t h e m in t o t h is c i t y . T h e f e a r o f h is m a j e st y h a d e n t e r e d

6f t h e i r h e a r t s1], t h e ir a r m s w e r e p o w e r le ss, h is se r p e n t d ia d e m w a s

V ic t o r i o u s1 a m o n g t h e m .

T h e S p o il 431. T h e n w e r e c a p t u r e d t h e ir h o r se s, t h e ir c h a r io t s o f g o ld a n d

silv e r w e r e m a d e sp o i l / t h e ir c h a m p io n s la y st r e t c h e d o u t li k e f ish e s

o n t h e g r o u n d . T h e v ic t o r io u s a r m y o f h is m a j e st y w e n t a r o u n d c o u n t ­

in g t h e ir p o r t io n s. B e h o ld , t h e r e w a s c a p t u r e d t h e t e n t o f t h a t w r e t c h e d

f o e [ in ] w h i c h w a s [ h is] so n 7-------------------. a T h e w h o l e a r m y m a d e

j u b i le e , g iv i n g p r a ise t o A m o n f o r t h e v ic t o r y w h i c h h e h a d g r a n t e d t o

h is so n o n f t h i s d a y , bg iv i n g p r a ise bT) t o h is m a j e st y , e x a l t in g h i s v ic t o r ie s.

T h e y b r o u g h t u p t h e b o o t y w h i c h t h e y h a d t a k e n , c o n sist in g o f h a n d s,0

o f l i v in g p r iso n e r s, o f h o r se s, c h a r io t s o f g o ld a n d silv e r , o f 8 _______ d

4 3 2 . [ T h e n sp a k e h is m a j e st y ro n h e a r i n g 1 t h e w o r d s o f h is a r m y ,

sa y in g : “ H a d y e c a p t u r e d [ t h is c it y ] a f t e r w a r d , b e h o ld , I w o u l d h a v e

g i v e n -------------------e R e t h is d a y ; b e c a u se e v e r y c h ie f o f e v e r y c o u n t r y t h a t

h a s r e v o lt e d i s w it h in it ; a n d b e c a u se it is t h e c a p t u r e o f a t h o u sa n d

c i t ie s, t h is c a p t u r e o f M e g id d o ( My-k-ty) . C a p t u r e y e rm ig h t il y ,

Siege of Megiddo

4 3 3 . [C H is m a j e st y c o m m a n d e d 1] t h e O f f ic e r s1 o f t h e t r o o p s t o g o

, ^ a ssig n i n g t o 1] e a c h h is p la c e . T h e y m e a su r e d t h is c i t y , f su r ­

r o u n d in g it 1] w it h a n in c lo su r e , w a lle d a b o u t w it h g r e e n t im b e r o f a l l

t h e ir p le a sa n t t r e e s. H i s m a j e st y h im se lf w a s u p o n t h e f o r t if ic a t io n

e a st o f t h is c it y , f i n sp e c t j i n g 1 10------------------

I t w a s [ w a ] lle d a b o u t w it h a t h ic k w a l l 1 w it h it s t h ic k w a ll.k

I t s n a m e w a s m a d e : “ M e n k h e p e r r e ( T h u t m o se I I I ) - is- t h e - S u r r o u n d e r -

«L1. 9-19 generally lack about one-third their length at the beginning.

o f - t h e - A si a t ic s.” P e o p l e w e r e st a t io n e d t o w a t c h o v e r t h e t e n t o f h is

m a j e st y ; t o w h o m i t w a s sa id : “ S t e a d y o f h e a r t ! W a t c h -------------------.” a

H i s m a j e st y 1 '[ c o m m a n d e d , sa y in g : “ L e t n o t bo n ] e a m o n g t h e m

[ c o m e f o r t h ] o u t si d e , b e y o n d t h is w a ll, e x c e p t t o c o m e o u t in o r d e r t o

■“k n o c k 1 a t t h e d o o r o f t h e ir f o r t i f i c a t io n .” 0

N o w , a ll t h a t h is m a j e st y d id t o t h is c i t y , t o t h a t w r e t c h e d f o e d a n d

h is w r e t c h e d a r m y , w a s r e c o r d e d o n ( e a c h ) d a y b y i t s ( t h e d a y ’s) n a m e ,

u n d e r t h e t it l e o f : “ r— 1 -----------------e ” 12-------------------. T h e n it w a s r e c o r d e d

u p o n a r o l l o f le a t h e r in t h e t e m p le o f A m o n t h is d a y «

Surrender of Megiddo

4 3 4 . B e h o ld , t h e c h ie f s o f t h is c o u n t r y c a m e t o r e n d e r t h e ir p o r t io n s,

t o d o o b e isa n c e * 1 t o t h e f a m e o f h is m a j e st y , t o c r a v e b r e a t h f o r t h e ir

n o st r ils, b e c a u se o f t h e g r e a t n e ss o f h is p o w e r , b e c a u se o f t h e m ig h t o f

t h e f a m e o f h is m a j e st y I3t h e c o u n t r y 1 -------------------c a m e t o h is f a m e ,

b e a r i n g t h e ir g if t s, c o n sist in g o f silv e r , g o ld , la p is la z u l i, m a la c h i t e ;

b r in g in g c le a n g r a in , w in e , la r g e c a t t l e , a n d sm a ll c a t t l e — f o r t h e a r m y

o f h i s m a j e st y . rE a c h o f t h e K o d e 1 (Kd-(w)i a m o n g t h e m b o r e t h e

t r i b u t e so u t h w a r d . B e h o ld , h i s m a j e st y a p p o i n t e d t h e c h ie f s a n e w f o r

•Cf. § 4 2 9 ,1. 2; but there is not room here to restore as there indicated. So Maspero, Recueil, II, 145.

•The first word without the following connection seems doubtful; it means “ to soil, travel” and possibly refers to the fact that the king sailed each year to Syria in the later campaigns; hence the title may have been: “ Voyages, etc.” The whole reminds one of the statement concluding the reign of each king in the Book of Kings (e. g., 1 Kings 15:23).

* Almost one-third line lacking.

S p o il of M e g id d o 435* ------------ a 340 living prisoners; 83 hands; 2,041 mares;b 191 foals; 6 stallions; — young — ; a chariot, wrought with gold, (its) fpole1 of gold, belonging to that foe ;c a beautiful chariot, wrought with gold, belonging to the chief of ^[Megiddo] ;d ------------ e 892 chariot[s] of his wretched army; total, 924* (chariots); a beautiful rsuit* of bronze armor, belonging to that i o t f a beautiful fsuit1 of bronze armor, belonging to the chief of Megiddo (M ~ k~ ty); ------------ ,h 200 suits of armor, belonging to his wretched army; 502 bows; 7 poles of {m ry) wood, wrought with silver, belonging to the tent of that foe. Behold, the army of [his majesty ]took 16------------ } 297 —, 1,929 large cattle, 2,000 small cattle,! 20,500 white small cattle.k

P lu n d e r o f th e L eban on T rip o lis, M e g id d o, E tc.

436. List of that which was afterward taken by the king, of the household goods of that foe who was in fthe city of1] Yenoam ( Y -n w -

c:>-m w ), in Nuges ( Y n - y w - g - s3), and in Herenkeru (H w -r-n -k ^ -rw ) }

1 These three cities lay close together at the southern end of Lebanon. That Thutmose III marched to Lebanon after the fall of Megiddo is shown by the fact that he built a fortress there (§ 548,1. 1) just before returning to Thebes. The three cities formed a political whole under a single ruler {“ that foe”), and were given as a whole to Amon by Thutmose III (§ 557). The location of these cities in the plain of Megiddo (Petrie, Syria and E gypt, 14) is plainly due to overlooking the other evidence (see Muller, Asien und Europa, 200-3) > though Petrie is undoubtedly right in denying the identity of Nuges and Nukhasse, already opposed by Muller {ibid., 394)* If “ that foe” refers to the king of Kadesh here, as it does elsewhere throughout this inscription, we have an important indication of the extent south­ ward of the territory of that king.

together with all the goods of those cities which submitted themselves, which were brought to I7[his majesty: 474] — ;a 38** lords ([w-r 3-y-]» of theirs, 87 children of that foe and of the chiefs who were with him, 5 lords of theirs, 1,796 male and female slaves with their children, noncombatants who surrendered because of famine with that foe, 103 men; total, 2,503,° Besides flat dishes of costly stone and gold, various vessels, 18------------,d a large (two-handled) vasee ^ -n D) of the work of Kharu ( H D-rzt;), (— b-) vases, flat dishes, (fynlw -) dishes, various drinking-vessels, 3 large kettles (rh d ' /), 7 knives/ amounting to 784 deben * Gold in rings found in the hands of the artificers, and silver in many rings, 966 deben and 1 kidet. A silver statue in beaten work19------------ i the head of gold, the staff with human faces; 6 chairs* of that foe, of ivory, ebony and carob wood, wrought with gold; 6 footstoolsk belong­ ing to them; 6 large tables of ivory and carob wood, a staff of carob wood, wrought with gold and all costly stones in the fashion of a scepter, belonging to that foe, all of it wrought with gold; laoa statue of that foe, of ebony wrought with gold, the head of which [rwas inlaid1] with lapis lazuli------------ ;m vessels of bronze, much clothing of that foe.

H a r v e s t o j th e P la in o j M e g id d o

437. Behold, the cultivable land was divided into fields, which the inspectors of the royal house, L. P. H., calculated, in order to reap their

8191.1 pounds, to tal of gold in th e p receding list o f articles.

h2 3 5 -46 p o u n d s. *About one-third line lacking. Jin Egyptian the word (kny) often means a kind of open sedan chair. kHdmwt Hebrew, . 1 From this point on, four lines are again nearly complete. mAbout one-fifth of the line is lacking.

harvest. Statement of the harvest which was brought to his majesty from the fields of Megiddo (M y -k /): 208,200(4-#)* fourfold heket of grain, “ besides that which was cut as forage by the army of his majesty __________ b

438. The inscription to which this fragment belonged contained an account of the first campaign and apparently no more, so that it was doubtless recorded at the close of this campaign before the others took place. It is probably therefore, the oldest of Thutmose I ll’s war records, and introduces an offering-list.

T h e In su rrectio n

3 ------------ the lands of the Fenkhu, who had begun to invade my bound­ aries.® -------------4larrayed, in1 hatred of my majesty. They fell upon their faces s------------- of Megiddo.

iqo EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY: THUTMOSE III [§440

S ie g e o f M e g id d o 440. Then my majesty surrounded it with a wall, made thick 6--------------they tasted not the breath of life, surrounded in front of their rwair* 7------------the Asiatics of all countries came with bowed head, doing obeisance to the fame of my majesty. 8------------ .

S u rren d er of M e g id d o 441. These Asiatics who were in the wretched Megiddo 9-----------fcarne forth1] to the fame of Menkheperre (Thutmose III), fgiven life, saying1]: “ Give us a chance,a that we may present to thy majesty [our] impost.” 10------------ all that my majesty did in this land forever.

T h e In h a b ita n ts S h o w n M e rc y 442. Then my majesty commanded to give to them the breath of Hfe 11------------ an their goods, bearing 12------------- .

F u rth e r M a rc h 443- ------------ led me to a goodly way 13------------- inclosed in 14---------rTyrelb 15--------- c 16--------- these 17--------- d 23-------with every fragrant wood 23 I did this 24 . I was as victorious in all lands, shining upon the Horus-throne of the living — like Re, forever.

III. SEC O N D CAM PAIG N (Y E A R 2 4 )*

444. This campaign seems to have been only a circuitous march through Palestine and southern Syria (1. 25), to re­ ceive the submission and tribute of the dynasts. Far-off Assyria also, which had now heard of the great victory of the preceding year, sent gifts, which the scribe calls “ tribute” (ynw) like that of Syria.

*Lepsius, Denkmdlery III, 32, 11. 3 2-39—Brugsch, Thesaurust 1166-68, 11. 21-28.

The Poetical Stela of Thutmose III (Vol. II) Cite

653. A relief shows Amon enthroned, and receiving from Thutmose III, who stands before him, a great array of offer­

ings, including cattle, fowl, flowers, bread, all sorts of fruit, together with metal libation-vessels, necklaces, amulets, and pendants. The whole is accompanied by the following inscription:

654. Good God, Lord of the Two Lands, King of Upper and Lower Egypt, M enkheperre; he made (it) as his monument for his father, Amon-Re, lord of Thebes, [making] for him divine possessions, presenting to him all divine offerings, and very great feasts, which his majesty made for the first time as an increase|of that which was before: giving an oblation of vessels of very plentiful (‘fullness1; necklaces, amulets, and pendants of real* electrum, brought to his majesty from the south countries as their yearly impost; that he may live forever.

HYMN OF VICTORY*

653. At the top, occupying over one-fourth of the stela, are two scenes of worship, in each of which Thutmose III, accompanied by the goddess of the Theban necropolis, Khaftet-hir-nebes (hft t-hr-nbs', offers to Amon, with the usual superscriptions. The hymn itself in twenty-five lines occupying the re­ mainder of the stela, is the best specimen of its class, and was later partly copied by scribes of Seti I for the wall of the great Karnak templed in which this tablet was set up. The hymn is of sufficient historical importance to be included here; although due allowance must be made for its rhetorical style, it is a very helpful supplement to the Annals.

656. 1Utterance of Amon-Re, lord of Thebes: Thou comest to me, thou exultest, seeing my beauty, 0 my son, my avenger, Menkheperre, living forever. 1 shine for love of thee, M y heart 2is glad at thy beautiful comings into my temple; (My) two hands furnish thy limbs with protection and life. How pleasing is thy pleasantness toward my body. I have established 3thee in my dwelling, I have worked a marvel for thee; I have given to thee might and victory against all countries, I have set thy fame (even) the fear of thee in all lands. Thy terror as far as the 4four pillars of heaven; I have magnified the dread of thee in all bodies, I have put the roaring of thy majesty among the Nine Bows. The chiefs of all countries are gathered in thy grasp, si myself have stretched out my two hands, I have bound them for thee. I have bound together the Nubian Troglodytes by tens of thousands and thousand^, The Northerners by hundreds of thousands as captives. 6I have felled thine enemies beneath thy sandals, Thou hast smitten the Hiordes1 of rebels according as I commanded thee. The earth in its length and breadth, Westerners and Easterners are subjectb to thee, ’Thou tramplest all countries, thy heart glad; None presents himselfc before thy majesty, While I am thy leader, so that thou mayest reach them. Thou hast crossed the water of the Great Bendd of 8Naharin (N-hr-ri) with victory, with might.

657. I have decreed for thee that they hear thy roarings and enter into caves; I have deprived their nostrils of the breath of life. 9I have set the terrors of thy majesty in their hearts, M y serpent-diadem upon thy brow, it consumes them, It makesa captive by the hairb the Kode-folk, IOI devours those who are in their marshes with its flame. Cut down are the heads of the Asiatics (c 3 mw), there is not a rem ­ nant of them ;0 Fallen are the children of their mighty ones. JII have caused thy victories to circulate among all lands, M y serpent-diadem gives light to thy dominion. There is no rebel of thine as far as the circuit of heaven; They come, bearing tribute upon their backs, I2Bowing down to thy majesty according to my command. I have made powerless the invaders who came before thee; Their hearts burned, their limbs trembling. 658. x3l have come, causing thee to smite the princes of Zahi (.D 3 h) ; I have hurled them beneath thy feet among their highlands. I have caused them to see thy majesty as lord of radiance, So that thou hast shone in their faces like my image. I4I have come, causing thee to smite the Asiatics,d Thou hast made captive the heads of the Asiaticse of Retenu. I have caused them to see thy majesty equipped with thy adornment, When thou takest the weapons of war in the chariot. **1 have come, causing thee to smite the eastern land, Thou hast tram pled those who are in the districts of God’s-Land. I have caused them to see thy majesty like a circling star,£ W hen it scatters its flame in fire, and gives forth its dew. 659. l6I have come, causing thee to smite the western land, Keftyew (Kj-tyw) and Cyprus (Fry) are in terror. I have caused them to see thy majesty as a young bull,

b“ H a ir” is without determinative; it occurs with determinative on Tombos tablet, 11. 6, 7, § 71, q. v.

Firm of heart,a ready-homed, irresistible. I7I have come, causing thee to smite those who are in their marshes, The lands of M itanni (My-t-n) tremble under fear of thee. I have caused them to see thy majesty as a crocodile, Lord of fear in the water, unapproachable. 660. l8I have come, causing thee to smite those who are in the isles; Those who are in the midst of the Great Green (Sea) hearb thy roar­ ings. I have caused them to see thy majesty as an avenger (nd'ty) Who rises upon the back of his slain victim. X®I have come, causing thee to smite the Tehenu (Libyans), The isles of the Utentyewc are (Subject1) to the might of thy prowess. I have caused them to see thy majesty as a fierce-eyed lion, Thou makest them corpses in their valleys. 661. aoI have come, causing thee to smite the uttermost ends of the lands, The circuitd of the Great Circle (Okeanos) is inclosed in thy grasp. I have caused them to see thy majesty as a lord of the wing,e Who seizeth upon that which he seeth, as much as he desires. 2II have come, causing thee to smite those who are in frontf of their land. Thou hast smitten the Sand-dwellers as living captives. I have caused them to see thy majesty as a southern jackal, Lord of running, stealthy-going, who roves the Two Lands. 22I have come, causing thee to smite the Nubian Troglodytes, As far as r—18 (they) are in thy grasp.

name of an uncertain Nubian country.

I have caused them to see thy majesty as thy two brothers,a I have united their two arms for thee in rvpctoryT| 662. 23Thy two sisters,b I have set them as protection behind thee, The arms of my majesty are above, warding off evil. I have caused thee to reign, my beloved son, Horus, Mighty Bull, Shining in Thebes, whom I have begotten, in [uprightness of heart]0. 24Thutmose, living forever, who hast done for me all that my ka desired; Thou hast erected my dwelling as an everlasting work, Enlarging and extending (it) more than the past which had been. The great doorway----------- . 2SThou hast feted the beauty of Amon-Re, Thy monuments are greater than (those of) any king who has been. When I commanded thee to do it, I was satisfied therewith; I established thee upon the Horus-throne of millions of years; Thou shalt continue life----------- .

663. This tomb is the most important private monument of the Empire. The scenes and inscriptions on its walls depict and narrate the career of Rekhmire, who was prime minister, or vizier, of Egypt and governor of the residence

during the latter half of the reign of Thutmose III, the period of Egypt’s greatest power. He came of eminent family, having succeeded his uncle Woser in the vizierate,a and as his career brought him the highest post in the state during the most stirring years of Thutmose I ll’s great con­ quests, he has put much of it in his tomb. We find in it the fullest known source for the study of the constitution of the state and the administration of the Pharaoh’s govern­ ment under the Empire, beside the best known representa­ tions in color of the peoples and products of Punt, Keftyew, Retenu, and Nubia.

The Battle of Kadesh (Vol. III) Cite

298. This battle, in which Ramses meets the Hittites for the first time, forms the culmination of Ramses II’s second

Fig. 7.— Map of the Orontes Valley in the Vicinity of Kadesh, i : 500,000 (after Blanckenhorn) Syrian campaign, and furnishes nearly all we know of the beginning of his Syrian war. It is of especial interest, being the first battle in history of which we may follow the tactics and the disposition of both armies.® About the end of

April, Ramses marched northward from the fortress of Tharu on the Egyptian frontier, with an army of probably about 20,000 men, in four divisions: the division of Amon, which formed the advance, under the immediate command of the Pharaoh; and the divisions4 of Re, of Ptah, and of Sutekh, which followed that of Amon in the order given. Marching through Palestine,b and along the Phoenician coast road, Ramses passed into Amor, where he formed his van of picked men, on the “shore in the land 0} Amor” (Poem, 1. 18). Thereupon he left the coast, perhaps march­ ing up the valley of the Lit&ny, and reached the last elevation on the east side of the Orontes, where the high valley (the B ukic a) drops to the level of the plain around Kadesh, about a day’s march south of it. Here he camped (Poem, 11. 11, 12; Record, 1. 2), without finding trace of the enemy. He therefore pushed on the next day, and as he reached the ford just south of Shabtuna, later Ribleh,d a small town, some seven and a half miles south of Kadesh, he was in­ formed by two Shasu-Bedwin, sent out by the Hittite king for this purpose, that the Asiatics had retreated far north­ ward to the district of Aleppo, beyond Tunip (Record, 11. 2-6). With the division of Amon, therefore, Ramses crossed to the west side of the Orontes at Shabtuna (Poem, 1. 12), leaving the other three divisions on the east side, dis-

larger history. Meyer is the only later historian who has shown a correct under­ standing of the general plan of the battle. On the literature of the subject, see my Battle of Kadesh, 4, 5.

tributed along the road to the south. The division of Re, however, soon crossed at the same ford, with about a mile and a half between its van and the rear of the division of Amon* (Fig. 9). With these two divisions following him in a long line, Ramses continued rapidly northward, leaving the other two (Ptah and Sutekh) marching slowly south of Shabtuna, till there was a wide gap between the two halves of his army. 299. Meanwhile the Asiatics (Poem, 1. 17), with an army of probably 20,000 men, the combined forces of the north Syrian princes, under the Hittite king, together with a large proportion of mercenaries from states in Asia Minor, adja­ cent or subject to the Hittitesb—all these were concealed on the northwest of Kadesh, hidden from the Egyptians by the city. The Hittite king now uses the city to mask his movements, and as Ramses pushes northward on the west side of Kadesh, the Hittite commander shifts his position rapidly eastward and southward,® all the time keeping the

F ig. 9.— Second Positions Fig. 10.—Third Positions F ig. 11.— Fourth Positions F ig. 12.— Fifth Positions

city between him and the advance of the Egyptians. To do this, he was obliged to transfer his army across the Orontes. Ramses, now quite unsuspicious, advances alone with only his household troops, and deliberately goes into camp northwest of the city (Poem, 11. 12 and 21; Record, 11. 7, 8; Reliefs, §336, 11. 3, 4; Fig. 10). Thus the Asiatics, with a strong fortress on their right for refuge in case of defeat, by their remarkably skilful maneuvering, have gained a position on Ramses’ right flank, which, properly utilized, means his destruction. 300. As the division of Amon comes up and is settling in camp around the tent of Ramses (Reliefs, § 331), an Egyp­ tian scout brings in two of the enemy’s scouts, who are beaten (Reliefs, § 330) into confessing the proximity of the foe (Record, §321). Thoroughly alarmed, Ramses com­ mands the vizier to order up the troops from the south of Shabtuna (§324), and the vizier, besides sending a horse­ man to hasten them, probably goes also himself in a chariot (Record, § 324; Reliefs, §§ 333 f.). Meanwhile the threaten­ ing catastrophe becomes a fact: remaining with his infantry, the king of the Hittites sends his chariotry (Poem, 11. 18, 19) to the attack; they “came forth from the southern side of Kadesh, and they cut through the division of Re in its middle, while they were marching, without knowing, and without being drawn up for battle” (Poem, §311). Totally unpre­ pared, caught thus in marching order, the Egyptians fled northward* toward Ramses’ camp (Record, 1. 21), while a messenger was sent to acquaint him with the disaster. But

to make the attack (Record, 1. 20), they must have come from the east side of the river; and while on the northwest of Kadesh, they were certainly on the west side; hence the two crossings are certain.

the Hittite chariotry, which made the attack, pressed the re­ treating Egyptians northward so rapidly that, while Ramses was sitting in his tent chiding his officers for their ignorance of the enemy’s whereabouts, some members of the royal family were driven in headlong flight over the western barri­ cade into the camp by the most advanced of the Hittite chariots (Record, 11. 19, 20; Reliefs, §332,0,6). These first hostile intruders were dragged from their chariots by the Egyptian foot in the camp and slain. The fleeing troops of the division of Reb now arrive and sweep the camping division of Amon into panic and flight, while the advancing Hittite chariotry rapidly enfold Ramses between their extended wings (Poem, 1. 23; Record, 1. 22; Reliefs, §336, a, 11. 7. 8, and scene),0 being 2,500 in number, and representing a force of 7,500 men. Ramses, having with him only his bodyguard,d now saw the extended wings of the enemy close completely around him on four sides, seem­ ing like four bodies of chariotry® (Poem, 1. 23; Record, 11. 21, 22; Reliefs, § 336, a, 1. 8). For the moment, he is thus isolated, even from the troops which had accompanied him to the north of Kadesh. 301. On the west side, where the royal fugitives have just

been driven in, the enemy is already pressing into the camp. On the east the enfolding wing of the enemy is evidently weakest. Ramses did not hesitate an instant, but immedi­ ately rallied his household troops and charged into the invaders of his camp, in the endeavor to cut his way out, to rejoin his southern divisions. This unexpected onset gained him a moment’s respite, during which he perceived how the enemy was massed against him on the south, and he there­ fore turned against the enemy’s thin line on their extreme right, before they should have time to strengthen it after their rapid advance northward. He charged eastward into the scanty opposing line of chariots so impetuously that he drove them into the Orontes north of the city. In so doing he forsook his camp, which immediately fell into the hands of the enemy. It is unquestionably the rich plunder in Ramses’ camp which diverts the Hittites for the moment and saves Ramses from being pushed into the river in his turn. 302. A body of troops, which it is difficult to connect with any of Ramses’ four divisions, now unexpectedly arrives and begins his rescue. They are called “ recruits (ncryn), and are said to arrive from Amor. They enter the camp and slay the plundering Hittites to the last man (§ 340).

The fleeing troops of Ramses now rallied, and together with the “ recruits” just mentioned, the Egyptian force engaged was no longer a mere handful. 303. It is apparently at the head of these forces that Ramses now charges six times into the mass of the Hittite chariotry that lies between him and the reinforcements ap­ proaching from the south, and brings the enemy to a stand. The Hittite king now sent in an additional thousand chariots from his reserves.® Ramses has maintained himself for some three hours and at this juncture, while he is holding his own against fearful odds, the vizier arrives with the division of Ptah, and coming in from the south, quite unex­ pectedly strikes the Asiatics in the rear. After Ramses’ stubborn stand this unforeseen blow in the rear quickly decides the contest, and the Hittite chariotry breaks and flees into the city. Caught between the closing lines of the Egyptians, some of them were taken prisoners and many slain;0 and the Hittite king was forced to see the day, begun so auspiciously for him, now lost, without being able to throw in against the Egyptian chariots the 8,000 or 9,000 foot which for some reason he held in reserve to the end on the other shore. 304. Whether Ramses attempted an assault upon this Asiatic infantry or not, is a question upon which our docu­ ments throw no light. The poem claims that there was another battle on the next day, which is extremely doubtful' In any case, it is clear that Kadesh is not taken/ and Ramses,

happy in his remarkable escape from destruction, and proud of the personal reputation gained, having won the battle with but a portiona of his army, is glad to return to Egypt for a time, where he offers his prisoners to Amon. But Syria as far south as Kadesh, if not farther, remains in the hands of the Hittites. a. Poem on the Battle of Kadesh0

305. This poem, long called the “ Poem of Pentaur,” is our most important document for a study of the battle of Kadesh. It is, fortunately for us, introduced by a sober and careful prose account of Ramses’ departure from Egypt, his march to Kadesh, and the position of his four divisions up to the moment of the Asiatic attack. Supplemented by the

official record of the battle (§§ 3 1 6 ff-)^ we are a^le to trace in it all Ramses’ movements, immediately before and leading up to the battle. The discussion of the poem as a literary composition does not fall within the scope of this volume.a

In tro d u ctio n

306. lbBeginning of the victory of King Usermare-Setepnere (Ramses II), [who is given life], forever, which he achieved in the land of Kheta (ijZ7 D) and Naharin (N -h -r y -n ), in the land of Arvad ( Y -r 0 -

tw ),° in Pedes ( P y - d 0 -s * ), in the Derden ( D ° -r-d -n y ), in the land of 2 Mesa (M 3 - s 3), in the land of Kelekesh ([J£] D -r3 -[k]y-$ 3 c, sic!), —, Carchemish (K -[r ^ - h - m y - l3), Kode (K d y ), the land of Kadesh

P rep a ra tio n s a n d M a rch to th e F ro n tier a t T h a ru

307. Behold, his majesty prepared his infantry and his chariotry, the Sherdene (5 3 - r 3 - d y - n 3) of the captivity of his majesty from the

victories of his sword r 1 9------------ a they gave the planb of battle. His majesty proceeded northward, his infantry and his chariotry being with him. He began0 the goodly way, to march. Year 5, the second month of the third season (tenth month), on the ninth day,d his majesty passed the fortress of Tharu ( T 3 -rw ) 10------------ e [like] Montu when he goes forth. Every country trembled before him, ffear1] was in their hearts; all the ^rebels1 came bowing down for fear of the fame of his majesty, when his [army] came “ upon the rnarrow^f road, being like one who is upon the highway of —.

M a rc h fro m T h a ru to th e R e g io n of K a d e sh

308. Now, after many8 days after this, behold, his majesty was in “ User mare - Meriamon,”h L. P, H., the city of ------------ 1 cedar. His majesty proceeded northward, and he then “ arrived at the high­ land! of Kadesh (K d $ ). Then his majesty, L. P. H., marched before, like his father, Montu lord of Thebes, and crossed over the channel

JThis highland is “ south of Kadesh,” according to the Record (1. 2), and as he crosses to the west side of Orontes later on (1. 12), where the battle took place, the highland must be some hill on the east side. The plain between Orontes and Anti-Lebanon is here some twenty miles wide {Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Report, 1881, 166), and the highland referred to is that of Kamfi c at el-Harmel (Fig. 7 and Battle of Kadesh, 19-21).

T h e C o a litio n of th e P rin c e of K h e ta

309. When his majesty, L. P. H., reached the city,c behold, ^the wretched, vanquished chief of Kheta ( f f t 3) had come, having gathered together all countries from the ends of the sea to the land of Kheta, which came entire: the Naharin (N -h -r y -n ) likewise, and Arvad (3 - r 7 -tw ), *4—, dMesa ( M ° - s w ) , Keshkesh (KLH),d Kelekesh

( K 3 -r 3 - k y - k lD), Luka (R w -k 3), Kezweden (K 3 -d * - w ° -d n), Carche­ mish ( K - r * - k - m y - S ye Ekereth (D - k 3 -r y -t), Kode (K d y ), the entire land of Nuges ( N w - g -s ), Mesheneth 0 ~n-t), and Kadesh (K d $ ). I5He left not a country which was not brought, tofgether with1] their chiefs* who were with him, every man bringing his chariotry, an exceeding great multitude, without its like. They covered the mountains and the valleys; they were like grasshoppers with their multitudes. l6He left not silver nor gold* in his land (but) he plundered it of all its possessions and gave to every country, in order to bring them with him to battle.

din place of these two names the hieroglyphic texts all have P y-d * -s 3 and Yr-w n. KSkS is supposed by Muller to be a corruption of K 3 -r 3 -ky-$ =>, but as it has a different k and occurs in the Papyrus side by side with Kelekesh, the supposition is doubtful, if not improbable. On the list as a whole, see p. 136, n. c.

fit is incredible that the larger kingdoms of Asia Minor should have been represented at this battle by their kings (wr-w). These mercenaries of the Hittite king had, of course, their commanders; the Syrian princes were some of them really present, and the Egyptians were glad to class the mercenary commanders as similar princes, to the greater glory of the Pharaoh's victory. The close of this section (§ 309) shows clearly how these mercenaries were enlisted.

THE ASIATIC WAR m

T h e P o sitio n s of th e T w o A r m ie s

310. Behold, the wretched, vanquished chief of Kheta, together with the numerous allied countries, were stationeda in battle array, concealed on the northwest of the city of Kadesh,b while his majesty 17was alone by himself,c [with] his bodyguard,6 and the division of Amon was marching behind him. The division of Re crossed over the river-bed on the south side of the town of Shabtuna (5 ° ~ b-tw -ri),d at the distance of an itere from the [rdivision of Amon1]; ------------- the division of Ptah was on the south of l8the city of Aranamif Q -r 3 -n 5 -m ) ; and the division of Sutekh was marching upon the road. His majesty had formed the first rank of all the leaders of his army, while they were on the shore inh the land of the Amor Q - m -w -r 0 *). Behold, the

«A very indefinite indication, showing only that this division was far away somewhere on the road. It is not mentioned again, and did not get up in time for the battle.

wretched ^vanquished chief ofa Kheta was stationed in the midst of the infantry which was with him, and he came not out to fight, for fear of his majesty. Then he made to go the people of the chariotry, an exceedingly numerous multitude like the sand, being three people to each span. Now, they had made their combinations (thus): among every three youths was one man of the vanquished of Kheta,c 2°equipped with all the weapons of battle. Lo, they had stationed them in battle array, concealed on the northwestd the city of Kadesh.

T h e A tta c k o f th e A s ia tic s

311. They came forth from the southern side of Kadesh, and they cut through the division of Re in its middle, while they were marching without knowing and without 2Ibeing drawn up for battle. The infantry and chariotry of his majesty, L. P. H., retreated before them. Now, his majesty had halted on the north of the city of Kadesh, on the western side of the Orontes p -r-n -t). Then came one to telie it to his maj­ esty, L. P. H.

312. His majesty, L. P. H., shone like his father aaMontu, when he took the adornments of war; as he seized his coat of mail, he was like Baal in his hour. The great span which bore his majesty, L. P. H., called: “ Victory-in-Thebes,” from the great stables of Ramses (II),

“was in the midst of the leaders.® His majesty halted in the rout;b then 23he charged into the foe, the vanquished of Kheta, being alone by himself and none other with him. When his majesty went to look behind him, he found 2,500 chariotry surrounding him, in his way out, 24being all the youth of the wretched Kheta, together with its numerous allied countries: from Arvad Q -r3 -tw), from Mesa (M 3 -s3), from Pedes ( P y - d 3- s 3) , from Keshkesh (K S -k i), from Erwenet0 ( Y r - v m ' t, sic!), from Kezweden ( K 3 - d 3 - w 3 - d 3 - n 3) , from Aleppo ( $ y - r 3-b w ), Eketeri (3 -k 3 -t-r-y, sic!), Kadesh (K d $ ), and Luka (R w -k 3 -<d), being three men to a span, acting in unison. 313* Now follow highly idealized and sometimes purely imaginary incidents, the creation of the poet, in which nothing is historical save the one fact that Ramses holds his own until the arrival of his southern army. He first calls upon Amon for help in his unequal battle. Amon responds and strengthens him against the foe. The king of the Kheta is obliged to summon his allied commanders and send them into the fray. Ramses addresses a scathing rebuke to his own troops, and when his charioteer is dis­ mayed because they are entirely surrounded, he encourages him and charges six times into the hostile ranks, thus holding the enemy in check until his reinforcements from the south can come up.® 314- At evening the captives of every country are brought to the king’s tent, and the next morning the plain is seen

covered with the dead, especially of the family of the prince of Kheta. The army comes to the king’s tent and cele­ brates his victory in a hymn of praise. But the king re­ sponds, reminding them of their cowardice, and reproaching them that they did not depend upon him to lead and protect them. The next (?) morning Ramses drew up his battle lines and renewed the attack with such effect that the prince of Kheta sent a humble letter suing for peace, which the king read in triumph before his assembled troops, who there­ upon gave him another ovation. Pleased with this flattery, he marches southward, and returns in peace to Thebes, where, of course, he is received with triumphant jubilation by the people. 315. The last three lines of Papyrus Sallier III (XI, 9-11), which is the only text in which the conclusion is preserved, furnish the date of “this writing, in the year g, second month 0} the third season, day —, [under the majesty] oj King Ramses II.” This particular copy was one “which the scribe, Pentewerec (Pn-t° -wr' t) made” (XI, n ), a mere copyist, who was not the author of the poem, as is still usually stated.

b. Official Record oj the Battle oj Kadeshd 316. This document is appended to the wall scenes (§§328-47), and seems to have been an official record of

the battle. It is not as full as the Poem on the marches and positions of the two armies, but it narrates fully the inside history which led to Ramses’ incautious advance to the north of Kadesh, furnishing an account of the earliest military ruse known in history. Of all this the Poem says nothing. D a te 317. 'Year 5, third month of the third season, day 9;® under the majesty of Horus: Mighty Bull, Beloved of Truth; King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Usermare-Setepnere; Son of Re; Ramses-Meriamon, given life forever.

C a m p S o u th of K a d e sh 318. Lo, his majesty was in Zahi ( D 3 -h y )h on his second victorious campaign. The goodly watchc in alife, prosperity and health, in the tent of his majesty, was on the highland south of Kadesh.

F a lse M e ssa g e of th e S h a su n ear S h a b tu n a 319. When his majesty appeared like the rising of Re, he assumed the adornments of his father, Montu. When the king proceeded

1. A b u S im b el (Champollion, Monuments, 27 -2 9 ; Rosellini, M onumenti Storici, 100-102; Lepsius, Denkmaler, III, 187, c-e. I had also photographs by Griinau, kindly loaned m e by Steindorff. 2. R am esseum (Lepsius, ibid., I ll, 153; Sharpe, E gyptian Inscriptions, 2d part, 52). 3. L u x o r (Brugsch, Recueil de monuments, II, 53; Champollion, Monuments, 127 bis; Rosellini, ibid., 106). O f these Luxor is not given by Champollion and Rosellini, but was copied by Brugsch. Furthermore, the Abu Simbel text is bad, sometimes omitting whole passages. Champollion and Rosellini’s copy of this text is unusable, two whole lines being omitted and often the sand-covered lower ends. Although I collated the Abu Simbel text exhaustively, the translation is based chiefly on the Ramesseum. For this text I had only Lepsius, Denkmdler; for Sharpe’s copy is totally worthless. Though all the originals show lacunae, I found these disappeared on arranging them in parallel columns. A combined text by Guieysse (Recueil, V III, 126-31) I found unreliable. The line numbers herein refer to the Ramesseum text. All passages on movements of the battle are also published in my Battle of Kadesh.

northward, and his majesty had arrived at the locality south of 3the town of Shabtunaa (5 D -b -tw -n ), there came twob Shasu, to speak to his majesty as follows: “ Our brethren, who belong to the greatest of the families with the vanquished chief of Kheta, have made us come to 4his majesty, to say: 'We will be subjects of Pharaoh, L. P. H., and we will flee from the vanquished chief of Kheta; for the vanquished chief of Kheta sitsc in the land of Aleppo ( H y - r * -b w ), on the north of Tunip (T w -n -p ). He fears sbecause of Pharaoh, L. P. H., to come southward/ ” Now, these Shasu spake these words, which they spake to his majesty, falsely, (for) the vanquished chief of Kheta made them come to spy 6where his majesty was, in order to cause the army of his majesty not to draw up for fighting him,d to battle with the vanquished chief of Kheta.

P o sitio n s 0 } th e T w o A rm ie s

320. Lo, the vanquished chief of Kheta came with every chief of every country, their infantry and their chariotry, 7which he had brought with him by force,e and stood, equipped, drawn up in line of battle behind Kadesh the Deceitful, while his majesty knew it not. Then his majesty proceeded northward and arrived on the northwestf of Kadesh; 8and the army of his majesty [rmade camp1] there.

E x a m in a tio n o f H ittite S cou ts

321. Then, as his majesty sat upon a throne of gold, there arrived a scout who was in the following of his majesty, and he brought two scouts of 9the vanquished chief of Kheta. They were conducted into the pre-

sence, and his majesty said to them: “ What are ye ?” Theysaid: “ As for us, the vanquished chief of the Kheta has caused that we should come to spy out where his majesty is.” Said his majesty I0to them: “ He! Where is he, the vanquished chief of Kheta? Behold, I have heard, saying: ‘He is in the land of Aleppo ( I p y - r 0 - b 0) . ’ ” Said they: “ See, the vanquished chief of Kheta is stationed, together with many countries, 11 which he has brought with him by force,a being every country which is in the districts of the land of Kheta,b the land of Naharin (N - h y - r - n ), and all Kode ( K d ) . They are equipped with infantry and chariotry, bearing their “ weapons; more numerous are they than the sand of the shore. See, they are standing, drawn up for battle, behindd Kadesh the Deceitful.”

T h e C o u n cil of W a r

322. Then his majesty had the princes called into the presence, *3and had them hear every word which the two scouts of the vanquished chief of Kheta, who were in the presence, had spoken. Said his maj­ esty to them: “ See ye the manner wherewith the chiefs (m r) of the peasantry® ( y w c * ty ) and X4the officials under whom is the land of Pha­ raoh, L. P. H., have stood, daily, saying to the Pharaoh: ‘The van­ quished chief of Kheta is in the land of Aleppo {Ify ~ r D -b D y) ; he has fled before his majesty, I5since hearing that, behold, he came/ So spake they to his majesty daily. But see, I have held a hearing in this very hour, with the two scouts of l6the vanquished chief of Kheta, to the effect that the vanquished chief of Kheta is coming, together with the numerous countries [that are with] him, being people and horses, like the multitudes of the sand. They are stationed behind Kadesh the

d“ Behind K adesh ” from Ramses’ present position in his camp on the north of Kadesh is, of course, south of Kadesh, where the Hittites moved out for the attack on the division of Re.

Deceitful. But I7the governors of the countries and the officials under whose authority is the land of Pharaoh, L. P. H., were not able to tell it to us.” 323. Said the princes who were in the presence of his majesty:

T h e D iv is io n s in th e S o u th A r e O rd ered U p

324. Then the vizier was ordered to hasten0 I9the army of his maj­ esty, while they were marching on the south of Shabtunad ( S ° -b -tw -ri), in order to bring them to the place where his majesty was.

T h e A tta ck 0} th e A s ia tic s

325. Lo, while his majesty sat talking with 20the princes, the vanquished chief of Kheta came/ and the numerous countries, which were with him. They crossed over the channel* on the south of

Kadesh, and charged into the army of his majesty while they were “ marching, and not expecting it. Then the infantry and chariotry of his majesty retreated before them, northward to the place where his majesty was. Lo, the foes 22ofa the vanquished chief of Kheta sur­ rounded15 the bodyguard of his majesty, who were by his side.

R a m ses’ P erso n a l A tta ck

326. When his majesty saw them, he was enraged against them, like his father, Montu, lord of Thebes. He seized the adornments of battle, 23and arrayed himself in his coat of mail. He was like Baal in his hour. Then he betook himself to his horses, and led quickly on, being alone by 24himself. He charged into the foes of the vanquished chief of Kheta, and the numerous countries which were with him. His majesty was like Sutekh, the great in strength, smiting and slaying among them; his majesty hurled them 2Sheadlong, one upon another into the water of the Orontes.®

R a m ses’ O w n S ta tem en t

327. “ I charged all countries, while I was alone, my infantry and my chariotry having forsaken me. Not one among them stood to turn about. I swear, as Re loves me, as my father, Atum, favors me, that, as for every matter which his majesty has stated, I did it in truth, in the presence of my infantry and my chariotry.”

c. The Reliefs 0} the Battle of Kadeshd 328. The pictured story of the battle of Kadesh presented in these reliefs, like the great epic poem on the battle, was a source of such gratification to Ramses, that he had them reproduced six times in the temples of Upper Egypt and

Nubia, and doubtless also several times in the vanished temples of Lower Egypt. As will be seen, owing to the primitive character of Egyptian topographical and architec­ tural drawing, these scenes cannot be made to coincide with the data of the inscriptions, but they furnish invaluable side lights on the battle, and the accompanying inscriptions add facts of the greatest importance.

329. Ramses sits enthroned, with his officers before him, in consultation. Below, the two Hittite scouts are being beaten, to force them to disclose the location of the enemy.

(Mariette, Abydos, II, 10, 11) and three scenes (Mariette, Voyage dans la haute Egypte, Pl. 30-32 and p. 72). 2. T h e b e s. a) Ramesseum, first pylon: Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 153-55, i 5 7 ~ 6 i ; Cham­ pollion, Notices descriptives, 870-72. b) Ramesseumt second pylon: Champollion, Monumentst 328-30; Champol­ lion, Notices descriptives, 585-89, 873, 874; Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, 109, n o ; Lepsius, III, 164, 165. c) Luxor, on the first pylon: Champollion, Monuments, 323, 324, 327-327 bis (last two incorrectly marked Ramesseum); Rosellini, ibid., 104-7; Brugsch, Recueil de monuments, 53 (inscriptions only); Description, Antiquites, III, 3-6. (None at Karnak, as stated by Guieysse, Recueil, VIII, 126, note 1.) d) Karnak, chiseled out in antiquity: Breasted, Battle 0} Kadesh, PI. V III,

45> 46- 3. D e r r .— N ow destroyed; seen by Champollion (Wiedemann, Aegyptische Geschichte, 434, note 5). 4. A b u S im b el.— In the great temple, first hall, north wall: Champollion, Monuments, 17 bis-33; Champollion, Notices descriptives, I, 64-66; Rosellini, ibid., 87-103; Lepsius, Denkmdler, 187, c-e. The inscriptions from all these reliefs have been combined (from the publica­ tions) by Guieysse (Recueil, VIII, 120-42) in a handy form for reference, but it is not reliable. An exhaustive publication of the combined originals is very much needed. For the following translations I arranged my own combined text, placing all the publications of all the originals in parallel columns. These are published, in so far as they concern the movements of the armies, in my Battle 0} Kadesh. All the reliefs are also published there, Pl. I-V II.

fti. R am esseum , first pylon: Champollion, I, 870; Lepsius, Denkmdler, 153. 2. L u x o r : Champollion, Monuments, 327 bis; Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, 106; Battle 0} Kadesh, Pl. IV. 3. A bu S im b el: Champollion, Monuments, 29; Champollion, Notices descrip­ tives, I, 66; Rosellini, ibid., 102; Battle oj Kadesh, Pl. VI.

5 331! THE ASIATIC WAR 149

The whole scene is evidently located in the tent visible as a rectangle in the center of the camp on the northwest of Kadesh. B e a tin g S p ie s

330. 'The arrival of the scout of Pharaoh, L. P. H., bringing the two scouts of the vanquished chief 2of Kheta into the presence of Pharaoh, L. P. H. They are beating them, to make them tell3 where the wretched chief of Kheta is.

O v e r H o rs e s

Great first span of his majesty: “Victory-in-Thebes,” of the great stable: “ Usermare-Setepnere-Beloved-of-Amon.”

II. THE CAMP* 331. In the midst of a rectangular inclosure, barricaded with shields, appears the royal tent,b surrounded by the small tents of the officers and the animated life of the camp, which the ‘‘first0 division,” that of Amon, is engaged in arranging. This is the camp north or northwest of Kadesh (Record, 1. 7; Poem, 1. 21). Within the royal tent, Ramses sits, chiding his officers for their neglect, when suddenly the extreme north end of the Hittite right wing bursts in at the

ai. R a m e s s e u m : Lepsius, Denkmaler, III, 154, 155; Prisse, H istoire de Part egyptien (plates unnumbered); Battle of Kadesh, PL I. 2. L u x o r : Champollion, Monuments, 326, 327 (no text); Rosellini, M ontimenti Storici, 106, 107 (no text); Battle 0} Kadesh, PI. IV. 3. A b u S im b e l : Champollion, Monuments, 30, 31; Champollion, Notices descriptives, I, 65, 66; Rosellini, ibid., 98-99; Battle of Kadesh, PL VI.

eastern end of the barricade (upper right-hand corner), driving some members of the royal household before them. These hostile intruders are quickly dispatched by the house­ hold troops of Ramses, who are to be seen on foot poniard­ ing them. O v e r P rin ce in C h a rio t

O v e r O fficial in C h a rio t

1 Arrival of 2the — of Pharaoh, L. P. H., a t 3the mother of the royal children, together with the 4— of the divine mother 5----------fleeing to 6the west [side] of the 7camp F 3 before the foe.

The first division of Amon (named): “ He-Gives-Victory-to-Usermare- Setepnere (Ramses II)-Given-Life,” with which Pharaoh is engaged in making camp.

333. These messengers are the ones sent southward by the vizier (Record, § 324, 11. 18 and 19) to hasten the forces still in the south near Shabtuna. To carry such a message, they must either make a wide detour westward, to go around the enemy’s lines, or hazard the dangerous passage through them. To render the arrival of the orders more certain, the vizier dispatches a horsemaii, and goes himselfb in a chariot. Their orders seem to concern only the division of

ISO NINETEENTH DYNASTY: RAMSES II [§332

ai. L u x o r : Champollion, Monuments, 323; Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, 106; Battle of Kadesh, Pl. IV. 2. A b u S im b el: Champollion, ibid., 18; Rosellini, ibid., 95; Battle of Kadesh, Pl. VI.

Ptah. This is because the southern half of the division of Re was, of course, aware of the attack, and the division of Sutekh was evidently too far away for Ramses to hope to bring them up in time.

B ejo re H o rse m a n

334. IThe scout of the army of Pharaoh, L. P. H., “going to hasten the division of Ptah, 3saying: “ March on! 4Pharaoh, L. P. H., your lord, 5stands------------ .”

IV. THE BATTLE® 335. We here see the city of Kadesh, by which the battle was fought, so thoroughly moated that it seems to lie in the very Orontes itself, rather than on it. The four drawings of the city preserved show great differences among them­ selves;15 and it is evident that no clear idea of the relative positions of city and combatants can be gained from them. We must remember that, according to the inscriptions, the Pharaoh is north of the city. It would seem that a bend in the river enables him to charge directly toward the city, viz., southward, and to drive the enemy into the river. But if the side of the Egyptian drawing where the Pharaoh is, is north, then it represents him as on the east side of the river. Or again, if, as the texts state, he should be on the west side of the river in the Egyptian drawing, then the drawing represents him as south of the city and charging northward.

ai . R a m esseu m , first pylon: Champollion, N otices descriptives, I, 872; Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 157-61; Battle of Kadesh, Pl. II. 2. R am esseum , second pylon: Champollion Monuments, 328-30: Champollion, N otices descriptives, I, 586-89, 873, 874; Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, 109, 110; Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 164, 165; Battle of Kadesh, Pl. III. 3. L u x o r : Champollion, Monuments, 323, 324; Rosellini, ibid., 104, 105; Battle of Kadesh, Pl. V. 4. A b u S im b e l : Champollion, Monuments, 18-26; Rosellini, ibid., 8 8 -9 5 ; Battle of Kadesh, Pl. VI.

CI have discussed the value of the reliefs fully in m y Battle of Kadesh, 40-46.

In no way can any of the four ancient drawings of this battle­ field be made to coincide with the data of the inscriptions. This is not remarkable when we remember that they do not coincide with each other. In these, as in all Egyptian

F ig . 13.— T he Modern Mound of Kadesh (from Koldewey)

drawings, each part is drawn largely irrespective of its rela­ tions to any of the other parts. We can here gain no true conception of the plan of the battle. Some facts stated in the inscriptions may be clearly seen in the reliefs however. We observe the Hittite chariotry (above and below) enfold­ ing Ramses within its extended wings. We see also how he

drives into the river those in his immediate front, including many prominent allies, officials, and even relatives of the Hittite king. The king of Aleppo is held head downward by his soldiers on the farther shore, that he may disgorge the water which he has swallowed. Here also stands the Hittite king with 8,000 foot,a which he makes no effort to bring into action. The inscriptions are these:

O v e r K in g ’s H o rse s a n d C h a rio t

336. *The Good God, mighty in valor, great in victory, crushing 2all countries, King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Usermare-Setepnere; Son of Re; Ramses-Meriamon. 3The stand which his majesty made while he was camping on the north4west of Kadesh. He charged into the midst of the foe sbelonging to the vanquished chief of Kheta, while he was alone 6by himself, and no other with him. ’He found sur­ rounding him 82,5oo horse in four bodies on his every side. 9He slaughtered them, making xo(them) heaps beneath his horses. 11 He slew iaall the chiefs of all the countries, I3the allies of the vanquished chief of Kheta, together with his own great chiefs, I4his infantry and his chariotry. He overthrew them 15prostrate upon their faces, and hurled them down, one upon another into the waters l6of the Orontes. His majesty was behind them like a fierce-eyed lion 17---- :---------in their place. Lo, the vanquished chief of Kheta l8stood extending backward his arms in praise of the Good God.

A m o n g th e F le e in g E n e m y

337. Tergen — ( T y - r * -g * -n —). Tergenenes ( T y - r 3 - g 3 - n - n 3 -s D), charioteer of the vanquished chief of Kheta. The great horse of his majesty: “ Victory-in~Thebes;” of the great stable: “ Usermare-Setepnere,-Beloved-of-Amon.”

Kemeth (K 3 - m y - P ) , chief of the Warriors (T w - h y - r 3). ------------ es-(----------- ^ -s D), charioteer of the vanquished chief of Kheta. Tergetetethes ( T y - r 3 -g ° -ty -t-tp - s 3) chief of the archers of the Thebes (]£b$w ). Kherpesar ( ty y - r * -p * - s 0 -r^ ), scribe of the vanquished chief of Kheta. Egem (C3 -g -m ), chief of the archers of the vanquished chief of Kheta. Teyeder ( T y - y 3 - d w - r3), chief of the bodyguard of the vanquished chief of Kheta. Peyes charioteer of the vanquished chief of Kheta. Gerbetes (G -r-b 3 - tw - s3), chariot-warrior of the vanquished chief of Kheta. Semretes (5 3 -m y -r 3 - tw - s3) ------------ . Peyes (P 3-y-s3), charioteer of the vanquished chief of Kheta. Teder (P 3 -d3 - r 3), chief of the warriors ( T w - h y - r3). Methrem ( M y - P - r y - m 0). Rebesnen ( R * - b D-sw -n -n * ), chief of the archers of Enenes (° n -

-s 3). Septher (S 3 -p * - P -r3), brother of the vanquished chief of Kheta. Thewethes (P 3 -w * - P -s3), chief of the country of Tenes (P 3 -

n y - s D). Rebeyer ( R 3 -b 3 -y w -r). The wretched chief of Aleppo (-£Py-r 3 - b 3) turned upside down by his soldiers, after his majesty hurled him into the water. Warriors (T w - h y - r3), who are in front of the Fcommander1, 8,ooo. Town of Kadesh.

B y th e K in g of K h e ta

338. xThe vanquished, wretched chief of Kheta, standing before his infantry and chariotry 3with his face turned round, and his heart afraid. 4He went not forth to battle, for fear of his majesty, 5after he saw his majesty prevailing [against the vanquished chief] 6of Kheta and all the chiefs of all the countries 7[who] were with him. His majesty ------------- %e overthrew th em . 9[The vanquished chief of Kheta] said: “ He is like IOSutekh, great in might; Baal is XIin his limbs.”

339• While Ramses was at the front early in the battle, his camp was entered by the Hittite advance; but on the arrival of the “recruits” from Amor, the latter fell upon these spoilers and slaughtered them.

I n F ro n t o j T ro o p s

340. xThe arrival of the recruits of Pharaoh, L. P. H., from the land of Amor (D -m -w -r 3). They found that the force of the vanquished chief of Kheta had surrounded the 2camp of his majesty on its western side. His majesty had been camping alone, no army with him, f await­ ing the1] arrival of his ^officers1] 3and his army and the division with which Pharaoh, L. P. H., was, had not finished setting up the camp. Now the division 4of Re and the division of Ptah were on the march; they had not (yet) arrived, and their officers were in the forest1 of Bewey

( B 3 -w - y ). Then the recruits 5cut off the foe belonging to the vanquished chief of Kheta, while they (the foe) were entering into the camp, and Pharaoh’s officersb 6slew them; they left not a single survivor among them. Their hearts were filled with the mighty valor of Pharaoh, 7their good lord; he was behind them like a steward of —, like a wall of iron, forever and ever.

341. This relief shows us the king after the battle is over, enjoying his triumph. As he stands in his chariot, his officers throw down before him the hands of the slain, cut off as trophies. The relief on the Abydos temple (unpub­ lished), though very fragmentary, contained a fuller repre­

ai. R am esseum : Lepsius, Denkmdler, III, 155; Battle of Kadesh, Pl. I. 2. L u x o r : Cham pollion, Monuments, 327; R osellini, Monumenti Storici, 107; Battle oj Kadesh, PI. IV. 3. Abu S im b el: Champollion, ibid., 32; Rosellini, ibid., 97; Lepsius, ibid., 187; Battle 0} Kadesh, Pl. VI.

ci. Abydos: Mariette, Abydos, II, 10, 11. 2. A b u S im b el: Champollion, Monuments, 18; Rosellini, Monumenti Storici, 95; Battle of Kadesh, Pl. VI.

sentation of Ramses’ triumph than the meager scene at Abu Simbel. It showed the king receiving the prisoners, captured according to the accompanying inscriptions, by himself! These inscriptions'1 are as follows:

R a m ses9 O fficers B rin g in g C a p tiv e s before H im

342. Bringing in prisoners before his majesty, being those which [he] brought off in the victory of his sword in this wretched land of Kheta, when his majesty caused to be [rannounced to1] his infantry and his chariotry, saying: “pTehold, these are1] the prisoners of my own capture, while I was alone, no infantry being with me, nor any prince with me, nor any chariotry.”

B esid e a G ro u p of P riso n ers

343. List (sh w y) of those countries which his majesty slew, while alone by himself: Corpses, horses, and chariots, bows, swords, all the weapons of warfare.

B esid e A n o th er G ro u p o f P riso n ers

344. Receiving the prisoners which his majesty brought off, in the victory of his sword in this wretched land of Kheta and this wretched land [of] Naharin (N -h -r y -n ), together with the chiefs of all countries who came with the vanquished chief of Kheta, bas living captives.b

O v e r F lee in g C h a rio ts

345. Warriors (T w -h y -r -) of D 1 the chariots of the camp of the vanquished chief of Kheta. The texts at Abu Simbel are not so full; they are the following: B e h in d C h a rio t

346. xThe Good God, who fought for his army, whose sword repulsed the Nine Bows; king, mighty in victory, 2who hath not his like; charging into the multitudes of every country, making them prostrate bodies. 3His face is fierce-eyed before the chief of Kheta, and the countries of Naharin 17-------\

§3521 THE ASIATIC WAR iS7

O v e r H o rse s 347. Great first span of his majesty (named): “ Mut-is-Satisfied,” of the great stable: “Usermare-Setepnere-Beloved-of-Amon.”

VII. PRESENTATION OF CAPTIVES TO AMON 348. As his father, Seti I, is seen presenting captives and spoil to Amon, on the north wall of the great Karnak hypo­ style, so Ramses appears in a like capacity on its south wall. Here he leads and presents to Amon, Mut, and Khonsu, three rows of prisoners, accompanied by inscriptions15 which show that they are captives taken at the battle of Kadesh: 349. List of the chiefs of Kheta, which his majesty, L. P. H., brought as living captives to the house of his father, Amon: Derden

( D -r * -d -n -y )j Pedes ( P y - d - s3), Kele[kesh] ( K y - r D -[ky-$ 3]) ------------ . 350. These are followed by four short lines of prisoners, each led by one of Ramses’ sons:

d) ------------ behind his majesty, by the king’s-son, Seti. 35i- All these are designated as: Captives from the northern countries, who came to overthrow his majesty, whom his majesty slew, and whose subjects he brought as living captives, to fill the storehouse of his father, Amon.

The Treaty with the Hittites (Vol. III) Cite

367. After possibly fifteen years of warfare in Syria, Ramses II consents to a peace with the Hittites. This peace is sealed in a treaty of alliance which forms one of the most remarkable documents which have survived from ancient Egypt. The copy preserved to us is clearly a trans­ lation from an original in a foreign language,15 and in his rendering the Egyptian translator has not always succeeded too well. 368. For recording upon the temple walls, the royal scribe has prefixed: (1) the date (1. 1); (2) the account of the arrival of two Hittite messengers with the treaty on a silver tablet; and (3) the heading of the copy as preserved in the royal archives. In content the treaty which follows is clear and well arranged. After a title or caption, it pro­ ceeds with the following eighteen paragraphs: 1. Review of the former relations of the two countries, the immemorial peace of earlier times, and the later war.

2. Formal declaration of the new peace pact, which is made binding upon future generations. 3. Mutual resignation of all projects for further con­ quest in Syria, but without any statement of the boundary adopted. 4. Reaffirmation of the former treaty of the time of Khetasar’s grandfather, Seplel,b which had continued till interrupted by the war with Khetasar’s brother, Metella; but with no restatement of its articles. 5. Egypt makes a defensive alliance with Kheta, depend­ ing upon the latter’s assistance against all foreign foes. 6. Egypt is to enjoy the co-operation of Kheta in the chastisement of rebellious Syrian (?) subjects. 7. Analogous to 5, in Kheta’s favor. 8. Analogous to 6, in Kheta’s favor. 9. Extradition of Egypt’s political fugitives to Kheta. 10. Extradition of emigrants from Egypt to Kheta. 11. Extradition of Kheta’s political fugitives to Egypt. 12. Extradition of emigrants from Kheta to Egypt. 13. The witness of the gods of Kheta and Egypt. 14. Curse on the violator of the treaty. 15. Blessing on the observer of the treaty.0 16. Appendix exacting humane treatment of persons

extradited from Kheta, who are to suffer no injury in person, family, or property. 17. The same regarding those extradited from Egypt. 18. This final paragraph belongs only to the copy, and not to the treaty. It describes the figures and seals on the silver tablet, and records the words accompanying these seals. 369. Space does not permit further discussion of this remarkable document,® but it will be evident that, not­ withstanding Ramses’ conquest of such northern cities as Tunip in Naharin (§ § 344 f.), he never succeeded in breaking the power of the Hittites. Evidently his complete success in stopping the further southward advance of so powerful an invader was no small reason for congratulation.

D a te

370. xYear 21, first month of the second season, twenty-first day, under the majesty of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt: Usermare- Setepnere, Son of Re: Ramses-Meriamon, given life, forever and ever, beloved of Amon-Re-Harakhte, Ptah-South-of-His-Wall, lord of “ Lifeof-the-Two-Lands,” Mut, mistress of Ishru, and Khonsu-Neferhotep; shining upon the Horus-throne of the living, like his father, Harakhte, forever and ever.

A r r iv a l o j th e H ittite M essen g ers

371. 2On this day, lo, his majesty was at the city (called): “ Houseof-Ramses-Meriamon,” performing the pleasing ceremonies of his father, Amor-Re-Harakhte-Atum, lord of the Two Lands of Heliopolis; Amonb of Ramses-Meriamon, Ptahb of Ramses-Meriamon, “— great in strength, son of M ut/’ according as they gave to him eternity in jubilees, everlastingness in peaceful years, all lands, and all countries being pros­ trate beneath his sandals forever. sThere came the king’s-messenger,

the deputy and butler —,a together with the king’s-messenger —a ^bringing1 to the king] Ramses II fthe messenger1] of [Kheta1, Terjteseb and the ^second messenger1 of Kheta [bearing1 a silver tabletb] 4which the great chief of the Kheta, Khetasar ( H - t^ - S - r 0) [caused]b to be brought to Pharaoh, L. P. H., to crave peace [fro]m [the majesty] of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Ramses II,c given life, forever and ever, like his father, Re, every day.

H e a d in g o f th e C o p y

372. Copy of the silver tablet, which the great chief of Kheta, Khetasar (H - t 3 - r 3) caused to be brought to Pharaoh, L. P. H., by the hand of his messenger, *Terteseb (T ^ -r ^ -ty -S -b w ), and his messen­ ger, Ramose, to crave peace from the majesty of Ramses II, the Bull of rulers, making his boundary as far as he desires in every land.

C a p tio n of th e T re a ty

373. The treaty which the great chief of Kheta, Khetasar, the valiant, the son of Merasar (M - r 3 -s 3 -r3), 6the great chief of Kheta, the valiant, the grandsond of Seplel - p D -[rw -rw ]), [the great chief of Kheta, the val]iant, made, upon a silver tablet for Usermare-Setepnere (Ramses II), the great ruler of Egypt, the valiant, the son of Menmare (Seti I), the great ruler of Egypt, the valiant, the grandson of Menpeh­ tire (Ramses I), 7the great ruler of Egypt, the valiant; the good treaty of peace and of brotherhood, setting peace [rbetween themel], forever.

Former Relations oj the Two Countries

374. 1. Now, at the beginning, since eternity, the relations of the great ruler of Egypt with the great chief of Kheta were (such) that the god prevented hostilities between them, by treaty. Whereas, in 8the time of Metella {Mw-t-n-r3), the great chief of Kheta, my brother, he fought w[ith Ramses II],a the great ruler of Egypt, yet afterward, beginning with this day, behold, Khetasar, the great chief of Kheta, is [in] a treatyrelation for establishing the relations which the Re made, and which Sutekh made,b for the land of Egypt, 9with the land of Kheta, in order not to permit hostilities to arise between them, forever.

The N ew Peace Pact

375. 2. Behold then, Khetasar, the great chief of Kheta, is in treaty relation with Usermare-Setepnere (Ramses II), the great ruler of Egypt, beginning with this day, in order to bring about good peace and good brotherhood between us forever, xowhile he is in brotherhood with me, he is in peace with me; and I am in brotherhood with him, and I am in peace with him, forever. Since Metella (Mw-t-n-r3), the great chief of Kheta, my brother, succumbed to his fate,c and Khetasar sat as

R am se^ I } M erasar> fatheT of

- brothers | Metella Seti I Ramses II to about year 20 Ramses II from year 20 on Khetasar T he three generations of Hittite kings ruled accordingly over n o years—over 37 years each—an exceptionally high average for three successive kings in the orient. This would indicate some uncertainty as to the identity of Seplel and Subbiluliuma of Amarna Letter No. 35, which carries him back to Amenhotep III (see note, p. 164). He may therefore possibly be no earlier than Harmhab, and, as Muller has suggested {op. cit., 226), the Amarna letter may be from an earlier Seplel.

11 great chief of Kheta upon the throne of his father, behold, I am together with Ramses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, and he is [rwitha me ini] 0ur peace and our brotherhood. It is better than the former peace and brotherhood which were in the land. Behold, I, even the great chief of Kheta, am with I2[Ramses II], the great ruler of Egypt, in good peace and in good brotherhood. The children of the children of the great chief of Kheta shall be in brotherhood and peace with the children of the children of Ramses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, being in our relations of brotherhood and our relations I3[of peace], that the [land of Egypt] may be with the land of Kheta in peace and brotherhood like ourselves, forever.

Mutual Renunciation of Further Conquests

376. 3. There shall be no hostilities between them, forever. T he great chief of Kheta shall not pass over into the land of Egypt, forever, to take anything therefrom. Ramses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, shall not pass over into the land I4[of Kheta, to take anything] therefrom, forever.

Reaffirmation 0} the Former Treaties

377. 4. As for the formerb treaty which was in the time of Seplel (S 3 -p 5 -rw-rw), the great chief of Kheta, likewise the formerb treaty which was in the time of Metella (Mw-t-n-r 3), the great chief of Kheta, my father,0 I will hold to it. Behold, Ramses-Meriamon. the great

c“ Father11 is either used here as in Egypt, where any predecessor on the throne is called “ father;11 or the name “ M etella11 is an error for Merasar, who was certainly the father of Metella and Khetasar. Now, as Khetasar has already (11. 7, 8) referred to the ancient peace as continuing down to, but broken under, Metella, a new treaty under Metella above mentioned (1. 14) is surprising. He may be marking the beginning and end of the same treaty: beginning under Seplel and ending, because broken, under Metella. The Pharaoh with whom M etella’s treaty was maintained can hardly be any other than Seti I. (See “i t ” 11. 14, 15.)

ruler of Egypt, will hold I5[to it] with us together3, beginning with this day. We will hold to it, and we will deal in this former m anner.a

Egypt's Defensive Alliance with Kheta

3 7 8 . 5- If another enemy come against the lands of Usermare-Setepnere (Ramses II), the great ruler of Egypt, and he shall send to the great chief of Kheta, saying: “ Come with me as reinforcement against him ,” the great chief of K heta shall l6[come], and the great chief of K heta shall slay his enemy. But if it be not the desire of the great chief of K heta to come, he shall send his infantry and his chariotry, and shall slay his enemy.

Chastisement of Syrian Subjects

379. 6. O r if Ramses-M eriamon, J7[the great ruler of Egypt], be provoked against delinquent1 subjects,b when they have committed some other fault against him, and he come to slay them, then the great chief of K heta shall act with the lord of Egypt r 1

Kheta's Defensive Alliance with Egypt

380. 7. If another en[emy come] against the great chief of Kheta, [and he shall send] to the great chief (sic!) [of Egypt], Usermare-Setepnere l8p fo r reinforcements3 then he] shall come to him as reinforcement, to slay his enemy. But if it be [not]d the desire of Ramses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, to come, he shall [send his infantry and his chariotry rand shall slay his enemy3]. rO r3-------------19— seeing them, besides returning answer to the land of K heta.e

Chastisement oj Syrian Subjects

3 8 1 . 8. Now if subjects of the great chief of Kheta transgress against him, and Ramses-M eriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, s h a ll------------the land of Kheta and the land of Egypt 20-------------r------- \ that is to say: “ I will come after rtheir punishment,la to Ramses-Meriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, living forever,------------the land of K heta.................. ......................b their appointing him for them, to be lord, to cause that Usermare-Setepnere, the great ruler of Egypt, shall be silent from his speech forever.0 If he — h i s the land of Kheta, and he shall turn back [ragain to1] the great chief of K h e ta -------------.

Extradition of Political Fugitives in Kheta

3 8 2 . 9. [If any greatd man of the land of Egypt shall flee and shall come to] the great chief of Kheta, from either a town 22[or] — of the lands of Ramses-M eriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, and they shall come to the great chief of Kheta, then the great chief of Kheta shall not receive them, (but) the great chief of Kheta shall cause them to be brought to Usermare-Setepnere, the great ruler of Egypt, tfheir] lord therefor.

Extradition of Emigrants to Kheta

383. 10. Or if there flee a man, or two men who are unknown 23—, and they shall come toe the land of Kheta, to become foreign subjects, then they shall not be settled in the land of Kheta, but they shall be brought to Ramses-M eriamon, the great ruler of Egypt.

Extradition of Political Fugitives in Egypt

384. 11. O r if any great man shall flee from the land of Kheta, [and he shall come to] Usermare-Setepnere, the great ruler of Egypt, (from) either a town or a districts or 24[any region of] those belonging to the land of Kheta, and they shall come to Ramses-M eriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, then Usermare-Setepnere, the great ruler of Egypt, shall not receive them, (but) Ram ses-M eriam on, the great ruler of Egypt, shall cause them to be brought to the great chief of Kheta. They shall not be settled.

Extradition of Emigrants to Egypt

385. 12. Likewise, if there flee a man, or two, or three, 25[who are not] known, and they shall come to the land of Egypt, to become foreign subjects, then Usermare-Setepnere, the great ruler of Egypt, shall not settle them, (but) he shall cause them to be brought to the great chief of Kheta.

The Witness of the Gods of Kheta and Egypt

3 8 6 . 13. As for the words of this rcontractlb of the great chief of Kheta, with Ramses-M eriamon, the great ruler 26[of Egypt], written upon this silver tablet; as for these words, a thousand gods of the male gods and of the female gods, of those of the land of Kheta, together with a thousand gods, of the male gods and of the female gods of those of the land of Egypt, they are with me as witnesses to 1] these words: the Sun-god, lord of the heavens, the Sun-god, of the city of E rnenc (3 27Sutekh, the lord of the heavens, Sutekh of Kheta, Sutekh of the city of Ernen, Sutekh of the city Zepyerened (D 3 -pw-y3 -r3 n-d3), Sutekh of the city of Perek ( P 3 y-r3 -k 3), Sutekh of the city of Khesesep (-gTy-s 3 -s 3 -p 3), Sutekh of the city Seres (5 3 -ry-sw), Sutekh of the city of Aleppo (# y-r 3 -p 3), Sutekh of the city of Rekhsen (R 3 - -sy-n3), Sutekh a8[of the city of —] , -------------r—\ Sutekh of the

CA city in the district called by the Assyrians “ Kammanu . . . . on the border of the territory of the Cappodocian Comana,” according to Sayce {Proceedings 0} the Society of Biblical Archeeology, 23, 98).

city of Sekhpen (S^ -y-fyy-p* y-n*), Antheret (c na-t-r 3 -ty) of the land of Kheta, the god of Zeyethekhrer (D 3 y~y 3 -t-fay-r-ry), the god of Kerzet — (K 3 -r-d 3 y-t3----- ), the god of Kherpenteres (H-r-p 3 -nty-ry-s 3), 20the goddess of the city of Kerekhen — n — (K 0 -r-fy-n------n ), the goddess of rKhewek3 (TH ^ w 3 -Tk 3lb), the goddess of Zen — (D° -y-n —), the god of Zen — wet vnw*-ty),c the god of Serep ( S 3 - r 3 -p°),d the god of Khenbet (JT-n-b 3-£ 3),e the queen of the heavens, gods, lords of swearing, the goddess, the mistress of the soil, the mistress of swearing, Teskher ( T 3 -s 3 -fc-r3), the mis­ tress of 3°the mountains, and the rivers of the land of Kheta, the gods of the land of Kezweden (K y-d0 -w 0 -d° -n*), Amon, the Sun-god, Sutekh, the male gods and the female gods of the mountains and the rivers of the land of Egypt, of the heavens, the soil, the great sea, the wind, and the storms.

Curse on the Violator of the Treaty

387. 14. Now, these words, 3Iwhich are upon this silver tablet, are for f the land of Kheta and for the land of Egypt. As for him who shall not keep them, the thousand gods of the land of Kheta, and the thousand gods of the land of Egypt shall desolate his house, his land, and his subjects.

Blessing on the Observer of the Treaty

388. 15. Now as for him who shall keep these words, which are upon this silver tablet, whether they8 be of Kheta, or whether they be people 32of Egypt, and they shall not devise (aught) against them ; the thousand gods of the land of Kheta, together with the thousand gods of the land of Egypt, shall preserve his health, and his life, together with his issue, with his land,h and his subjects.

Treatment of Extradited Persons by Kheta

389. 16. If a m an flee from the land of Egypt, or two or three, and

33comea to the great chief of Kheta, the great chief of K heta shall seize upon them, and shall cause them to be brought back to Usermare- Setepnere, the great ruler of Egypt. Now, as for the m an who shall be brought (back) to Ramses-M eriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, let not his crime be set up against him ; let not 34his house be injured, nor his wives, nor his children, [let] him [not be killed], and let no injury be done to his eyes, to his ears, to his mouth, nor to his feet. Let not any crime be set up against him.

Treatment of Extradited Persons by Egypt

390. 17. Likewise if a m an flee from the land of Kheta, be it one, be it two, (or) be it three, and they shall come to Usermare-Setepnere, ssthe great ruler of Egypt, let Ramses-M eriamon, the great ruler of Egypt, seize [upon them, and let him cause] that they be brought to the great chief of K heta; and the great chief of K heta shall not set up their crime against them ; let not his house be injured, nor his wives, nor his children, let him not be killed, and let no injury be done to his ears,

36to his eyes, to his mouth, nor to his feet. Let not any crime be set up against him.

Figures and Seals on the Front of the Silver Plate

391. 18. bT hat which is in the middle of this silver tablet: on its front side is a figure0 in the likeness of Sutekh embracing the likeness of the great chief of Kheta, surrounded by the following rwordsh “ T he seal of Sutekh, the ruler of the heavens; the seal of the treaty which Khetasar, the great chief 37o£ Kheta, the valiant, the son of M erasar (M-r 0 -5 3 -r D), the valiant, the great chief of Kheta, the valiant, m ade.”

T h ata which is in the midst of the surrounding designb is the seal [of Sutekh, the ruler of the heavens]. [That which is rin the middle^ on] its other side is a figure, in the likeness of r—ac of Kheta, embracing the figure of the princess of Kheta, surrounded by the following w ords: “ T he seal of the 38Sun-god of the city of Ernen (3 -r-n-n3), the lord of the land; the seal of Petkhep (Pw-tw-fyy-p*), the princessd of the land of Kheta, the daughter of the land of Kezweden (K y-d3 -w °-d-n)9 t h e ------------- of Ernen, the mistress of the land, the votress of the goddess. T hat which is in the midst of the surrounding design is the seal of the Sun-god of Ernen, the lord of every land.”

The Report of Wenamon (Vol. IV) Cite

557. This unique document is our most important source for the position of Egypt in Syria at the close of the Twentieth Dynasty. It belongs to the fifth year of the last of the Ramessids, when he is but the shadow of a king. Hrihor, the High Priest of Amon, although not called king, is in control at Thebes, and Nesubenebded (Smendes), after­ ward the first king of the Twenty-first Dynasty, living at Tanis, rules the Delta. Under these circumstances Hrihor dispatches one of his officials, named Wenamon, to procure cedar from the Lebanon forests, for the construction of a new sacred barge for Amon. In accordance with an oracle of Amon, the messenger was intrusted with a certain image of the god called “Amon-of-the-Way,” which he was to take with him as an embassy to the prince of Byblos. As the envoy met with extraordinary difficulties in the execution of his commission, he made out an elaborate reportb on his return home to explain the long series of accidents which

had interfered with the success of his mission. Although a large fragment is lacking from the middle of the first column, and the loss of another fragment at the end leaves the narra­ tive unfinished, yet this report is, nevertheless, one of the most interesting and important documents yet discovered in Egypt. 558. On the sixteenth of the eleventh month, in the fifth year, probably of Ramses XII, Wenamon left Thebes and, presenting his credentials to Nesubenebded at Tanis, he was kindly received. Fifteen days after leaving Thebes (on the first of the twelfth month), he sailed from Tanis ( ?) into the Mediterranean in a merchant ship, commanded by a Syrian. Arrived at Dor, the gold and silver which he had brought with him as payment for the timber was stolen from him. Dor was now a petty kingdom of the Thekel, who, with the Peleset-Philistines, had begun entering Syria under Ramses III seventy-five or eighty years before. They had con­ stantly pushed southward after their defeat by Ramses III in his eighth year, and had settled along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean as subjects of the Pharaoh. After the death of Ramses III they must have soon gained their inde­ pendence. The Thekel chief of Dor gives Wenamon little satisfaction for the loss of his valuables, and after waiting nine days he sails northward to Tyre. 559. The account of the voyage from Dor to Tyre is lost in a lacuna. On the way from Tyre to Byblos he in some way met some of the Thekel with a bag (?) of silver. It weighed thirty deben, and, as he had lost thirty-onea deben of silver, he seized it as security. He arrived at Byblos four months and twelve days after his departure from Thebes, but, as he came in an ordinary merchant ship, and not in a

special ship of Nesubenebded, and was without rich gifts and the customary externals of former Egyptian envoys, Zakar- Baal, the prince of Byblos, would not receive him, and ordered him to leave. After nineteen days, one of the noble youths in attendance upon the prince fell into a prophetic frenzy and demanded that Wenamon and his god, “ Amonof-the-Way,” be summoned and honorably treated. 560. About to return to Egypt, Wenamon was summoned to Zakar-Baal’s palace, but, being without money and with­ out credentials, which he had foolishly left with Nesubeneb­ ded at Tanis—having only the above-mentioned image of Amon, supposed to confer “life and health,” but not likely to impress the Syrian—he was treated with scant respect. The claims of Hrihor and of Amon upon the Lebanon were scouted, and Zakar-Baal proved from his records that his fathers had been paid for their timber. Wenamon therefore sends to Nesubenebded for money, and the prince shows his good-will by dispatching to Egypt at once the heavy timbers of the hull. The messenger returned from Nesubenebded within forty-eight days (perhaps only nineteen or twenty days) with partial payment of the timber desired, whereupon Zakar-Baal sent three hundred men and three hundred oxen to fell and bring the rest of the timber. 561. Some eight months after Wenamon left Thebes the timber was ready. Zakar-Baal delivers it to him, and with

g r im humor tells him that he has been better treated than the last envoys from Egypt, who were detained at Byblos seven­ teen years and died there. The prince charges an attendant to conduct Wenamon to their tomb and show it to him. But Wenamon demurs and takes his leave, promising to see that the balance due on the timber is paid. As he is about to sail, a number of Thekel ships appear, for the purpose of arresting him, doubtless for his seizure of the silver. The

unlucky Wenamon sits down upon the beach and weeps, while Zakar-Baal, hearing of his plight, sends him reassur­ ing messages, with food, drink, and a female singer. In the morning the prince interviews the Thekel and sends Wena­ mon to sea. In some way he evades the Thekel, but is driven by a contrary wind to Cyprus (Alasa), where he is about to be killed by the Cyprians, when he finds someone who speaks Egyptian, succeeds in gaining the favor of the Cyprian queen, and is spared. 562. Here the remarkable report is broken off, and how Wenamon reached Egypt we do not know. It will be seen that in the Lebanon region, once conquered and controlled by the Pharaohs, they are no longer feared. Thus, at the close of the Twentieth Dynasty Egypt, while respected as a source of civilization (§ 579), cannot secure even ordinary protection and civility for her messengers in Syria, and this state of affairs had already existed, probably as early as the reign of Ramses IX, a generation earlier. Besides the earliest known instance of prophetic ecstasy known to us, the document contains also another significant datum, viz., the princes of Byblos had, for two generations, been keeping their daily business records in a book or roll ( c r). Moreover, among the gifts brought to the prince of Byblos from the Delta were five hundred rolls of papyrus paper. Of course, the Phoenician did not write cuneiform with pen and ink upon these rolls; for a script worse suited to such writing materials than cuneiform can hardly be imagined. It is evident that he wrote upon papyrus the hieratic hand customarily written upon it in Egypt, the only method of writing then known which contained alphabetic signs for the whole alphabet. It thus becomes clear that by 1100 B. C. the cuneiform had been displaced in Phoenicia, and before the tenth century the Phoenician scribes, discarding

the innumerable syllabic signs of the Egyptian hieratic, had accustomed themselves to employ only its alphabetic signs.

PL 1. Departure from Thebes

563. *Year five,a third month of the third season (eleventh month), day 16, day of the departure of the “ eldest of the hall},, of the house of Amon, 2[the lord of the] lands, Wenamon, to bring the timber for the great and august barge of Amon-Re, king of gods, which is on fth e river1] ------------- (called): “ U serhet”b of Amon.

Arrival at Tanis

564- On the day of my arrival at Tanis (D c n), at the 4place of abode of Nesubenebded (Ns-sw-b3 -nb-dd)c and Tentamon, I gave to them the writings of Amon-Re, king of gods, which they ^caused to be read in their presence; and they said: “ I will do (it), I will do (it) according to that which Amon-Re, king of gods, our 6lord, saith.” I abode until the fourth month of the third season,d being in Tanis.

Voyage to Dor

565. Nesubenebded and ^Tentamon sent me with the ship-captain, M engebet (M-n-g-b-ty), and I descended into 8the great Syrian (ijf 3 -rw) sea, in the fourth month of the third season, on the first day. I arrived at Dor, a city of 9Thekel (T 3-& 3-r 3), and Bedel ( £ 3-d y -r3), its king, caused to be brought for me much bread, a jar of wine, xoand a joint of beef. The Robbery at Dor

566. Then a man of my ship fled, having stolen: —e [vessels] of gold, “ [amounting to] 5 deben 4 vessels of silver, amounting to 20 deben A sack of silver 11 deben

“ [Total of what] he [stole] 5 deben of gold 31 deben of silverf

In the morning then I rose and went to 13the abode of the prince, and I said to him: “ I have been robbed in thy harbor. Since thou art the king of this land, 14thou art therefore its investigator, who should search for my money. For the money belongs to Amon-Re, I3king of gods, the lord of the lands; it belongs to Nesubenebded, and it belongs to Hrihor, my lord, and the other l6magnates of Egypt; it belongs also to Weret (W ° rty), and to Mekmela (M -k5 -m-rw), and to Zakar-17Baal -rw-B- c -r 3),b the prince of Byblos,” c He said to me: d“ To thy honor and thy excellence! but, behold, I know nothing l8of this complaint which thou hast lodged with me. If the thief belonged to my land, he who went on boarde I9thy ship, that he might steal thy treasure, I would repay it to thee from my treasury till they 2°find thy thief by name; but the thief who robbed thee belongs to 2Ithy ship. Tarry a few days here with me, and I will seek him .,, When I had spent nine days, moored 22in his harbor, I went to him, and said to him: “ Behold, thou hast not found my money 23 [rtherefore let me depart1 ] with rthe1 ship-captain, and with those who g o -------------------- .,,f ----------- g

Departure jrom Tyre jor Byblos

5617. s------------- the harbor ------------- 6-------- — [H arrived at1] Tyre.1 I went forth from Tyre at early d a w n --------------?---------------- Zakar-Baal ( T 3-k* -rD -B -c-r), the prince of Byblos1 -------------.

as Muller and Erman have noted. cThis indicates the locality where Wenamon expects to purchase the timber. ^Something like “ I am beholden to ” is to be understood. eLit., “ descended into.11 T ou r lines are lost here and an uncertain amount more. gThe total loss between the two parts of Pl. 1 is some twenty-three lines. The bulk of this loss precedes Pl. 3, and only a small portion follows it. hThree lines containing but a few broken words; among them a reference to searching for the thieves, which shows that Fragment 3 belongs in this place. The journey from Dor to Tyre is somewhere in these lacunce. *Only the r of Tyre is preserved, but as he is just leaving there, it can hardly be the r of Dor. J This is not the arrival, but merely the mention of his intended destination.

Seizure of Security from Thekel Travelers 568. ------------- 8t h e ------------I found 30 deben of silver therein. I seized [it, rsaying to them: “ I will take1] 9your money, and it shall remain with me until ye find [my money. rWas it not a man of Thekel1] I0who stole it, and no thief [rof ours1]? I will take it -------------. ”a 13 They went away, while I r—1 — r—1 — .

Arrival at Byblos 569. [I] a rriv e d ---------------- the harbor of Byblos. [rI made a place of concealment, I3I hid1] “ Amon-of-the-Way,” and I placed his things in it. The prince of Byblos sent to me, saying: “ Be[take thyself] (from) 33my harbor.” I sent to him, saying: “ --------- . 1+1 b if they sail, let them take fo e1 to Egypt.” I spent nineteen days in his [harbor], and he continually sent to me daily, saying: “ Betake thyself away from my harbor.”

A Prophet oj Byblos 570. Now, when he sacrificed to his gods —, the god seized one of his noble youths (cdd), making him frenzied, so that he said: “ Bring [the god] hither!0 Bring the messenger of Amon who hath him. x+*Send him, and let him go.”

Wenamon*s Departure Prevented 571. Now, while the frenzied (youth) continued in frenzy during this night, I found a ship bound for Egypt, and I loaded in all my belong­ ings into it. I waited for the darkness, saying: “ When it descends I will embark the god also, in order that no other eye may see him .”

Wenamon is Summoned

572. The harbor-m aster came to me, saying: “ Remain until morn­ ing by the prince.” I said to him : “ Art not thou he who continually came to me daily, saying: ‘Betake thyself away from my harbor’?

§574] THE r e p o r t o f w e n a m o n 281

Dost thou not say, 'R em ain in the [rl a n d X+I°in order to let depart the ship that I have found? that thou mayest come and say again, 'A w ay!'? He went and told it to the prince, and the prince sent to the captain of the ship, saying: “ Remain until morning by the king.”

Wenamon Visits Zakar-Baal

573. W hen morning came he sent and had me brought up, when the divine offering occurred in the fortress wherein he was, on the shore of the sea. I found him sitting in his upper chamber, leaning his back against a window, while the waves of the great Syrian sea beat against the — X+I5behind him. I said to him: “ ^Kindness1 of A m on!” He said to me: “ How long is it until this day since thou earnest (.away) from the abode of Amon ?” I said: “ Five months and one day until now.” a

Zakar-Baal Demands Wenamon’s Papers

574. He said to me: “ Behold, if thou art true, where is the writing of Amon, which is in thy hand ? Where is the letter of the High Priest of Amon, which is in thy h an d ?” I said to him: “ I gave them to Nesubenebded and Tentam on.” Then he was very wroth, and he said to me: “ Now, behold, the writing and the letter are not in thy hand! Where is the ship of cedar, which Nesubenebded gave to thee ? Where is x+2°its Syrian crew? He would not deliver thy business to this ship-captain r 3 to have thee killed, that they might cast thee into the sea. From whom would they have sought the god then? And thee, from whom would they have sought thee then ? ” So spake he tom e. I said to him: “ There are indeed Egyptian ships and Egyptian crews who sail under Nesubenebded, (but) he hath no Syrian crews.” He said to me: “ There are surely twenty ships here in my harbor,

which are in connection with Nesubenebded; and at this Sidon,1 whither thou also rwouldst go3, there are indeed 10,000 ships also which are in connection 2with Berket-elb (W 3 -r5 -k3 -ty-r3) and sail to his house.”

Wenamon Declares H is Business

575. Then I was silent in this great hour. 3He answered and said to me: “ On what business hast thou come hither?” I said to him: “ I have come 4after the timber for the great and august barge of Amon- Re, king of gods. Thy father did it, 5thy grandfather did it, and thou wilt also do it.” So spake I to him.

Zakar-Baal Demands Payment as of Old

576- He said to me: “ They did it, truly. 6If thou give me (some­ thing) for doing it, I will do it., Indeed, my agents transacted the business; 7the Pharaoh, L. P. H., sent six ships, laden with the products of Egypt, and they were unloaded into their Storehouses. And thou also shalt bring something for me.” He had the journal of his fathers brought in, 9and he had them read it before me. They found 1,000 deben of every (kind of) silver, which was in his book.

Zakar-Baal Declares H is Independence

577. IOH said to me: “ If the ruler of Egypt were the owner of my property, and I were also his servant, “ he would not send silver and gold, saying: ‘Do the command of Amon.1 It was not the pay­ ment I2of rtributela which they exacted of my father. As for me, I am myself neither thy I3servant nor am I the servant of him that sent thee. If I cry out to the I4Lebanon, the heavens open, and the logs lie here on the shore of the sea.”

Wenamon has no Equipment

578. “ Give I5me the sails which thou hast brought to propel thy ships which bear thy logs to [Egypt]. l6Give me the cordage fwhich thou hast brought to bind1 ] the trees which I fell, in order to make them [Tfast1] for thee 17------------I make them for thee rinto1 the sails of thy l8ships, and the tops are (too) heavy and they break, and thou die in the midst of the sea 19when Amon thunders in heaven, and puts Sutekh in his time.” Egypt the Home of Civilization

579. “ For Amon 2°equips all lands; he equips them, having first equipped the land of Egypt, whence thou comest. 21 For artisanship

*Mrk for brk? F 3 = “ p a y ” is common. Erman suggests that mrk is con­ nected with melek, “ k in g ” but / 3 seems to me, to make this interpretation difficult.

came forth from it, to reach my place of abode; and teaching came forth 22from it, to reach my place of abode. What (then) are these miserable journeys which they have had thee make?”

Wenamon Claims Lebanon jor Amon

580. I said to him: 23“ 0 guilty one! They are no miserable jour­ neys on which I am. There is no ship upon the river,24which Amon does not own. For his is the sea, and his is Lebanon of which thou sayest, Tt is mine/ Ita 23grows for ‘Userhet/ (the barge) of Amon, the lord of every ship. Yea, so spake Amon-Re, king of gods, saying to 26Hrihor, my lord: ‘Send me/ and he made me go, bearing this great god. But, behold, thou hast let 27this great god wait twenty-nineb days, when he had landed [in] thy harbor, although thou didst certainly know he was here. He is indeed (still) what 2®he (once) was, while thou standest and bargainest for the Lebanon with Amon, its lord. As for what thou sayest, that the 29former kings sent silver and gold, if they had given life and health, they would not have sent the valuables; 3°(but) they sent the valuables [to] thy fathers instead of life and health. Now, as for Amon-Re, king of gods, he is the 3Ilord of life and health, and he was the lord of thy fathers, who spent their lifetime offering 32to Amon. And thou also, thou art the servant of Amon. If thou sayest to Amon, T will do (it), I will do (it)/ and thou executest his ^com­ mand, thou shalt live, and thou shalt be prosperous, and thou shalt be healthy, and thou shalt be pleasant to thy whole land and thy people. Wish not 34for thyself a thing belonging to Amon-Re, [king of] gods. Yea, the lion loves his own.”

Wenamon will Secure Payment

581. “ Let my scribe be brought to me, that I may send 35him to Nesubenebded and Tentamon, the rulers whom Amon hath given to the North of his land, 36and they will send all that of which I shall write to them, saying: ‘Let it be brought/ until I return to the South and 37send thee all, all thy trifles again.” So spake I to him.

Timber is Shipped; Messenger Brings Payment

582. He gave my letter into the hand of his messenger. He loaded in the Heed1,® 38the head of the bow and the head of the stern, with four other hewn timbers, together seven; and he had them taken to Egypt. 3PHis messenger went to Egypt, and returned to me, to Syria in the first month of the second season. Nesubenebded and Tentamon sent:

4°Gold: 4 T6-vessels, 1 X 3 k-mn-vessel; Silver: 5 Tb-vessels; Royal linen: ro garments, 10 fhm-fyrcfi; Papyrus: 41500 rolls; Ox-hides: 500; Rope: 500 (coils); Lentils: 20 measures; Fish: 30 measures (mU*); Shec sent me: Linen: 425 r—\ 5 Thm-fyr(P; Lentils: 1 measure; Fish: s measures (mst3).

More Timber Felled

583. The prince rejoiced, and detailed 43300 men and 300 oxen, placing overseers over them, to have the trees felled. They spent the second season therewith 44f—\ In the third month of the second seasond (seventh month) they dragged them [to] the shore of the sea. The prince came forth and stood by them.

Timber Delivered to Wenamon

584. He sent to me, 45saying: “ Come.” Now, when I had pre­ sented myself before him, the shadow of his sunshade fell upon me. Penamon, 46a butler, he stepped between me, saying: “ The shadow of

Pharaoh, L. P. H., thy lord, falls upon thee.” Hea was angry 47with him, saying: “ Let him alone!” I presented myself before him, and he answered and said to me: “ Behold, the command which my 48fathers formerly executed, I have executed, although thou for thy part hast not done for me that which thy fathers did for me. Behold, there has arrived 49the last of thy timber, and there it lies. Do according to my desire and come to load it, for they will indeed give it to thee.”

Fate of a Former Embassy

585. 5°“ Come not to contemplate the terror of the sea, (but) if thou dost contemplate the terror of the sea, thou shalt (also) contemplate 3Imy own. Indeed, I have not done to thee that which they did to the messengers of Khamwese,b when they spent seventeen years S2in this land. They died in their place.” 0 He said to his butler: “ Take him, and let him see their tomb, wherein they S3sleep.”

Zakar-BaaVs Great Distinction

586. I said to him: “ Let me not see it! As for Khamwese, (mere) people were the messengers whom he sent to thee; but people 54------there was no [god among] his messengers. And yet thou sayest, * Go and see thy companions/ Lo, art thou not glad ? s%nd dost thou not have made for thee a tablet, whereon thou sayest: ‘Amon-Re, king of gods, sent to m e“ Amon-of-the-Way,” his 56[divine] messenger, and Wenamon, his human messenger, after the timber for the great and august barge of Amon-Re, king of gods ? I felled it, S7I loaded it, I supplied him (with) my ships and my crews, I brought them to Egypt, to beseech for me 38io,ooo years of life from Amon, more than my ordained (life), and it came to pass/ Then in future days when a messenger comes

59from the land of Egypt, who is able to write, and reads thy name upon the stela, thou shalt receive water in the West, like the gods who are

6othere.” He said to me: “ It is a great testimony which thou tellest me.” Payment of Balance Promised

5 8 7 .1 said to him: “ As for the many things which thou hast said to me, when I reach 61 the place of abode of the High Priest of Amon, and he shall see thy command in thy command,a [he] will have some­ thing delivered to thee.”

Thekel Ships Lie in Wait

588. 62I went to the shore of the sea, to the place where the timbers lay; I spied eleven ships ^coming from the sea, belonging to the Thekel, saying:b “ Arrest him! Let not a ship 64of his (pass) to Egypt!” I sat down and began to weep. The letter-scribe of the prince came out to me, 6%nd said to me: “ What is the matter with thee?” I said to him: “ Surely thou seest these birds which twice descend upon Egypt. 66Behold them! They come to the pool, and how longc shall I be here, forsaken ? For thou seest surely those who come 67to arrest me again. ”d

Zakar-Baal Reassures Wenamon

589. He went and told it to the prince. The prince began to weep at the evil words which they spoke to him. 68He sent out his letter-scribe to me, he brought me two jars of wine and a ram. He sent 69to me Tentno (Tynt-nw* t), an Egyptian singer (feminine), who was with him, saying: “ Sing for him; let not his heart feel apprehension.” He sent to me, 7°saying: “ Eat, drink, and let not thy heart feel apprehension. Thou shalt hear all that I have to say in the morning.”

Interview with the Thekel

590. Morning 71came, he had (the Thekel) called into his f—a, he stood in their midst and said to the Thekel: “ Why have ye come?”

72They said to him: “ We have come after the stove-up ships which thou sendest to Egypt with our r—1 comrades.” 73He said to them: “ I cannot arrest the messenger of Amon in my land. Let me send him away, and ye shall pursue him, 74to arrest him.”

Escape to Alas a 591. He loaded me on board, he sent me away — to the harbor of the sea. The wind drove me to the land of 75Alasa ( D -s3); those of the city came forth to me to slay me. I was brought among them to the abode of Heteb (H^-ty-b*), ?6the queen of the city. I found her as she was going forth from one of her houses and entering into her other. 1 7’saluted her, I asked the people who stood about her: “ There is surely one among you who understands Egyptian ? ” One 78among them said: “ I understand (it).” I said to him: “ Say to my mistress: ‘I have heard as far as Thebes, the abode of Amon, that 79in every city injustice is done, but that justice is done in the land of Alasa; (but), lo, injustice is done every day here.” She said: “ Indeed! What is 8othis that thou sayest ?” I said to her: “ If the sea raged and the wind drove me to the land where I am, 8lthou wilt not let them take Advantage of1 me to slay me; I being a messenger of Amon. I am one for whom they will seek 82unceasingly. As for the crew of the prince of Byblos whom they sought to kill, their lord will surely find 83ten crews of thine, and he will slay them, on his part.” She had the people called and stationed (before her); she said to me: “ Pass the night------------.”